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#1 |
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A lot of viewers but no comments. Probably not interesting enough, although five fullers you don't come across very often.
Best regards Marc |
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#2 | |
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I've had it many times that a post received a lot of views but got.no single comment for a long time. But the many views show that it's interesting but people don't know what they should comment on. I for my part like takoubas but know not enough about them to give a comment. What do you think about how old it is? Mid. 20th century with an older blade? Regards, Detlef |
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#3 |
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Marc,
I have a kaskara with five fullers. A man at the Kassala sword market said in c.1983 that the smith who made it has seen another sword with five fullers and just wanted to see if he could make one as well. At least three other "fivers" kaskaras have surfaced on this Forum. My guess is that your takouba smith made it as an artistic/technical challenge with no other significance. Regards, Ed |
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#4 |
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Perhaps the 5 fullers were a status thing, or just a smith's attempt to demonstrate his skills. But such takouba do exist, even if not common.
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#5 |
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Here's a section from my Kaskara paper on Fullers. I didn't include the pictured. The five fullered Kaskara is called the Suliman Mukamas.Don't know about anything related to Takoubas.
Quote: Cut & Pasted: Suliman Mukhammas • This type has five forged fullers of graduated lengths that extend about a third of the way down the blade and is not included in Clark’s topology.) Khamsa is the number “five” in Arabic. This is a rare blade form with only five examples having been revealed so far. Two have a Sun symbol at the end of the fullers. The sun does not appear to be a maker's mark, but it likely has some unknown symbolic meaning. The informant called these Suliman Mukhammas abu Shammish. (Shams is Sun in Arabic, Shammish may be some grammatical variation or I misunderstood the word.) None of the other examples have apparent maker's marks either. Images of three are linked below and the fifth has no image. • My sword has the five grooved Makhummas with a sun at the end. Made circa 1914 in Kassaka. (Figure 16, next page). • Lew's post on “Makhumas with Sun,” virtually identical to mine. http://www.vikingsword.com/vb/showp...07&postcount=21 • RDGAC Comments on Kaskara #3 in Post #10 on the below thread that is a war trophy collected c. 1882 and shown in figs. 17 & 18 on the following page. http://www.vikingsword.com/vb/showthread.php?t=11950 • Paolo's sword. See Post #1. http://www.vikingsword.com/vb/showthread.php?t=15749 • Clement's sword that is decorated with silver inlays. See Post # 1. http://www.vikingsword.com/vb/showthread.php?t=23098 There was a rich discussion of Five-Fullered blades back in 2012 in which Lew’s and Paolo’s swords were reviewed. I won’t replough that land too much. However, since then I have looked up Mukhammas on the web and found on Wikipedia that: Mukhammas (Arabic ‘fivefold’) refers to a type of Persian or Urdu cinquain or pentastich with Sufi connections based on a pentameter and have five lines in each paragraph. More details here: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mukhammas Native and Arabic poetry is a feature of Sudanese culture. But who would have thought that a special Kassala-made sword blade (5 channels are much more difficult to make than 3 fullers) would have a link to a Persian and Urdu (Muslim part of India) poetry form? There may be a prosaic explaination. Mukhammas may be just a grammatic feature of Arabic for Five = Khamsa, but I prefer the poetry connection. My Mukhumas was reportedly made circa 1914 by a Kassaka smith who supposedy said he saw another being made and decided to give it a try. The RDGAC example was recovered circa 1882, almost a generation before mine was made. This suggests that mine was at least a second generation example of the type. When and how did it originate, and what symbolic or other purpose prompted its fabrication? These blades were not made for the general market. Who were their clients? End quote. Ed |
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#6 |
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Hello,
I've got one with five fullers, They told me it was a talismanic symbolic sign for number 5: Khemsa like the Fatma hand + skill for make the five fullers make the status of the owner higher |
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#7 |
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Oops,
Edster already told it 👍👍 |
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#8 |
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The likely origin of this style, both for kaskara and takouba, lies in the interlinked blade trade from Europe for both sword styles.
In particular schiavona and various backswords often imported blades and could feature 1, 2, 3, 4 etc fullers. These were common and mass imported into the Sahel and no doubt influenced later local styles. In years past I had documented plenty of 4+ fullered blades on takouba, some local some European in origin. Can't recall off the top of my head if there were any 5 fuller European ones I came across. |
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#9 | |
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thanks for your response, the reason I show an object is to get the widest possible variety of these objects on this forum and with diverse response from members. My expertise regarding takouba's is not that great, when I come across a specimen the forum is a great source of information. To me this takouba is Touareg and the age is difficult to determine, probably 2nd half of 20th century. Best regards Marc |
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#10 |
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Thanks everyone for the informative infomation, it was what I was hoping for.
Best regards Marc |
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#11 | |
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So I tried to help to get your thread running! ![]() Regards, Detlef |
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#12 |
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#13 |
Arms Historian
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This is a most interesting aspect of the takouba, and the discussion thread opened by Peter, which is great as the interest here on the topic had gone pretty dormant.
I agree with Ed's note toward likely significance of the blade having five fullers being associated with symbolic meaning, probably talismanic or apotropaic. This sword with fully rebated point seems likely to be for a tribal leader, and the presence of only one dukari moon seems curious, again since atypical possibly having certain arcane meaning. The meaning of the two moons I dont think has ever been fully understood, despite its consistency in convention. It seems that in Rodd (1928) he mentions two types of blades, one with three fullers, the other with five. One of the key factors regarding blades to native warriors is magic, and these kinds of features, including the 'dukari' (opposed crescent moons) all have some element of such imbuing. The blades Rodd describes are native made, termed 'masri' and seem likely to have been Hausa made. The association with the numeric FIVE having certain religious significance as related to Persian poems and symbology well known on kaskara, and of course in Sudanese context of course has to do with the Persian and Sufi influences there. There were far more connections between the Tuareg in Saharan regions and Sudan than many realize. In Briggs (1965) the markings he notes which occur on the blades of important chiefs in Air during the Kaocen revolt (1916-17) also became well known on Sudanese kaskara. Briggs also shows a kaskara, well covered in thuluth and obviously Sudanese as Hausa due to the dukari moons. I have understood that in Air regions of Niger, Tuaregs followed the Maliki Sect of Sunni Islam, as well as Sufi which coexisted in the nominal adherence to both. The profound influence of Sufi and Persian weaponry in Mahdist Sudan was described in a paper by Pradines and Mostagh in 2018. Those influences traveled westward with trade caravans to many points in the Sahara, with Air significant among them. Last edited by Jim McDougall; 12th May 2024 at 12:38 AM. |
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#14 |
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Hi Jim
I have translated some pages about the Touareg from dutch. An exhibition, Touareg, in 1994 at the Museum of Central Africa , Tervuren, Belgium. Regards MarcSocio-political stratification The traditional Tuareg community was highly hierarchical. Socially it was divided into different positions or classes (aserkam). Typically, four socio-political classes were found in the various confederations. At the top was the group of aristocratic leaders and warriors; at the other end of the social ladder were the slaves. This was expressed, among other things, in various degrees of servitude. The distinction was originally based on descent. 1. The nobles, imuhar [imochar, imajeghen] were livestock breeders and were mainly engaged in war and raiding activities; also with caravan activities and trade. They were the holders of political rights and land ownership. In the spirit of Tuareg tradition, armed plunder and raiding was a venerable and noble institution. 'The Imouhar are primarily warriors. They owe their high social status to their sword and have no other occupations other than war and raids. Their role as feudal lord makes them parasites of the vassals. In the past they were a plague for the caravans that crossed their land. They have never had any means of subsistence other than plunder. A man of good descent, and who wanted to remain so, had to cross the desert on his camel, plunder and risk his life on distant journeys.' This representation of Lhote was commonplace a few decades ago. It was a rather simplistic Western view. The cultural context was more complicated; war and raids were, at least among the nobles, usually directly related to honor, one's own or that of the group. It was an inherent part of the political system, of their social structure and of their value system. Any form of manual labor was abhorred and passed on to their vassals and slaves. 'The contempt for manual labor is a prejudice of the Imouhar class and not a result of laziness, for although they would under no circumstances cultivate the land, they do not hesitate to travel thousands of kilometers in often very difficult and dangerous conditions, to cultivate the herds of to plunder enemy tribes. When they returned to the camp, they wanted to live a life free of material concerns, which they left to their vassals.'" They were morally obliged to provide protection and defense to their vassals and to their other dependents. 2. A second estate was formed by the imrad [limghad singular: amrid], the vassals, the tributaries or the non-nobles; they were usually involved in livestock farming. However, they were involved by the Imuhar in their raids and raids; as a price for their assistance they received part of the booty. Moreover, they were the shepherds of the Imuhar who gave their livestock (especially the camels) to them entrusted. In practice, the Imuhar only kept a few mounts that they actually needed for their milk, their war expeditions and for the transport of their household goods. Circumstances often caused shifts: tribes were driven from their ancestral wandering territories and had to seek the protection of their new neighbors, thus becoming vassals. Or in some cases they were able to subdue them through their position of power and then the first landowners became their vassals. Blood descent was always considered very important: even vassals who were of high descent continued to be respected because of that quality. 3. The slaves, iklan (enkv.: akli), were acquired through war and raids or came from subjugated groups, usually Negro groups in the Sudan. They were either purchased from Arab caravans or at slave markets that took place in Sudanese cities. There were 'dune slaves' or cattle herders; and 'tent slaves', who served their master(s) and his (or her) family in the camp. Some were liberated even before the beginning of French colonization; in the south they were all liberated after the Tuares revolt of 1916-17. Some groups of these Ighawels in Aïr (also known by their Hausa name Buzu, or their Songhay name Bella) are nomadic pastoralists. Among the Iwellemmeden, in addition to the Ighawelen, there are also the Iklan n Egef, who are also herders, and the Iderfan who are sedentary farmers. In Ahaggar the freed slaves are the so-called Izeggaghen (senkv. Azeggagh) or, as they are called by Arabophones, Harratin (senkv. Hartani), farmers. This name also includes the descendants of the black sedentary farmers who emigrated from Tidikelt and Touat in the mid-19th century and who came to create and cultivate the mountain gardens in the Ahaggar on behalf of the Tuareg. 4. The craftsmen caste, eneden [ineden or inadan]) is very important and consists of blacksmiths. 'They are the blacksmiths that are found in all Tuareg groups. They form a very important caste as the Tuaregartisanate is very little developed. The Tuareg get their weapons and many other supplies from the blacksmith, who also makes silver jewelry for the Tuareg women. Without the blacksmiths, the material culture of the Tuareg would be poor. The other castes of blacks are also very dependent on the blacksmiths who make footwear, sickles and the like. In the two groups of the northern Tuareg there are very few blacksmiths – only a few families living in agricultural settlements. Among the southern Tuareg, blacksmiths are very numerous and many of them lead a pastoral life like the real Tuareg. The origin of the blacksmith caste is unknown.'¹º Several authors mention traditions that allow the hypothesis to be linked to Jews, including the numerous Jewish gold and silversmiths in the Maghreb; but it is a unproven hypothesis. 5. A fifth social class was formed by the Muslim clergy, inislims (photos 42, 69). Especially in Aïr there were marabou tribes who were only concerned with religious practices and animal husbandry and who carried no weapons. Several tribes declare themselves to be of Arab origin. The Kel Adagh and thThe status of the various estates could differ greatly depending on the region. As for the vassals, for example: among the Kel Adagh and the Iwellemmeds there were tribes that were made into vassals who were relatively rich and powerful, were respected and paid only a small tribute in the form of gifts." In the region of Tombouctou the vassals were ( daga) very poor and were constantly extorted by the nobles." As for the marabou tribes, in Air they were rich and honored; among the Kel Adagh and the Iwellemmeden they wereRazzia's Among the Tuareg, raiding was an institution that was widespread and practiced. She responded to precise and well-defined rules and a code of honor had to be adhered to. A raid was organized by a group of men, put together for the occasion, in principle on a voluntary basis, i.e. by all who wanted to participate and there were many. The desire for new property and heroic deeds were the motives; they were encouraged to do so by the women. The participants had to take care of their weapons and their mounts; if necessary they borrowed one and part of the loot then went to the owner of the riding camel. Sufficient food and water was taken and left in certain places to get along faster, but also in view of a possible escape. The camp that was the target could belong to foreigners or to another Tuareg tribe. The trip went at a very fast pace, to ensure surprise. In a successful attack, food reserves, some of the women's clothes and their jewelry were taken; one team of the attackers was charged with getting the cattle to safety as quickly as possible. Fighting only took place when the attacked offered resistance; but not infrequently the men fled. When it came to Tuareg, the attacking nobles did not touch the women. During raids on foreign groups – on blacks in the south, for example – men and women were also kidnapped. Some were kept as personal property and became tent slaves; others were sold in markets in the north. The attacked could organize a counter-raids, or try to chase the attackers and cut off their path. When the roundup was 'unlawful' - i.e. directed against a group with which there was no disagreement - a delegation from the rounded up group was often sent to negotiate restitution. On the other hand, raids were often the beginning of long-lasting enmity. poor.e Iwellemmeden were very small groups. The Tuareg have been Islamized. This is manifested, among other things, by the presence of specific tribes of Muslim priests, the ineslimen. Several authors have argued that the Tuareg Muslim faith is generally superficial and relatively recent.3 Some authors attribute a distant Christian past to the Tuareg34, which is still evident from the use of the cross as a decorative motif. Others have pointed out the superficial acceptance of the Christian faith characterized by its rapid spread in late Roman North Africa; and it is known that the nomadic tribes of that time remained pagan. Here one can again point out that we do not know whether the distant ancestors of the current Tuareg were nomads at that time. As for the sign of the cross, it is a magical practice that consists of placing two pieces of wood crosswise over each other; this then forms a symbolic shield against evil influences. 35 As far as Judaism is concerned, it is known that Jews were installed very early in North Africa, including in Cyrenaica, and that local tribes converted. By the time of Emperor Justinian they had become so influential that they were expelled by the Romans. Some settled in the Sahara, including in Touat. Here they were chased away in 1492 by a Musulman marabou. Some moved to Oualata. From this the enaden caste is said to have arisen; the six- pointed star - the 'Star of David' - which appears in wickerwork and on jewelry, is said to be a remnant of it.36 Among the Tuareg, the belief in spirits that inhabit the mountains, the springs, the 'gueltas', some rocks or some trees as well as ancient graves remains alive. Many and various amulets must be worn against this. Faith and religion (photos 69-73 - cat. 28-29) The Tuareg have been Islamized. This is manifested, among other things, by the presence of specific tribes of Muslim priests, the ineslimen. Several authors have argued that the Tuareg Muslim faith is generally superficial and relatively recent.3 Some authors attribute a distant Christian past to the Tuareg34, which is still evident from the use of the cross as a decorative motif. Others have pointed out the superficial acceptance of the Christian faith characterized by its rapid spread in late Roman North Africa; and it is known that the nomadic tribes of that time remained pagan. Here one can again point out that we do not know whether the distant ancestors of the current Tuareg were nomads at that time. As for the sign of the cross, it is a magical practice that consists of placing two pieces of wood crosswise over each other; this then forms a symbolic shield against evil influences. 35 As far as Judaism is concerned, it is known that Jews were installed very early in North Africa, including in Cyrenaica, and that local tribes converted. By the time of Emperor Justinian they had become so influential that they were expelled by the Romans. Some settled in the Sahara, including in Touat. Here they were chased away in 1492 by a Musulman marabou. Some moved to Oualata. From this the enaden caste is said to have arisen; the six- pointed star - the 'Star of David' - which appears in wickerwork and on jewelry, is said to be a remnant of it.36 Among the Tuareg, the belief in spirits that inhabit the mountains, the springs, the 'gueltas', some rocks or some trees as well as ancient graves remains alive. Many and various amulets must be worn against this. |
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