The Sinhalese Kastane: Its Development, Decoration and Symbolism

Prasanna Weerakkody · 17th March 2014, 02:45 AM

Yes it is known that the Portuguese warrior was Pinhao. Thanks Fernando for putting much time in to this. I had not seen this particular paper but seen Similar ones. there are 3 interpretations circulating so I was interested in trying to get some independant confirmation.

, some say it is Samarakoon rala/Kuruwita Bandara others say it was Rathnayaka mudiyanse and 3rd it was the king of Jaffna. each interpretation given by people with good standing, so only the text shall say for sure. The key is if the word Jaffnapato is really there that will rule out the other two.

There was a Portuguese fort for a time close to the Saman devale premises. this was possibly erected there and later moved to the devale after destruction of the fort. Sri Lanka is a small country so warriors were deployed all over the place.

Regards and thanks

Prasanna

Ibrahiim al Balooshi · 17th March 2014, 06:23 PM

Salaams All...

The Sendai Museum exhibits a potentially original early Kastane blade see http://www.vikingsword.com/vb/showthread.php?t=14998 where the weapon is discussed in depth...collected intact, by chance in the Philipines, by the Japanese diplomat and Samurai Hasekura Tsunenaga and this may be backed up by the stone carving with identical form below and expertly presented at post #112.

The Storta style of blade whilst intriguing, puzzling and stunning!! may have been introduced earlier, though, that is pure conjecture but in line with the hypothesis on European blade diffusion / the Moors /etc.

The interesting reverse theory that this shape of blade may in fact be of the early home grown form and occasionally favoured by warriors without the Vajra Quillons perhaps so that the index finger could be looped over the guard for added purchase power on the thick backblade? Perhaps quillons were optional?

(Though it is not without possibility that this was simply artistic stone carvers artistic impression the other details in the carving seem very accurate)

Regards,
Ibrahiim al Balooshi.

fernando · 17th March 2014, 08:08 PM

Hello again Prasanna

I am beginning to learn that the interpretation of this mural stone has been a largely divulgated enigma; which makes me feel a dwarf among so many specialists, versus whom i, a non schooled person, wouldn't dare to contradict.
But ...
Although the character of Simão Pinhão (Fernão's oncle) appears to be of no doubt, the Cingala warrior individual and his situation in the scene is still a mistery. So much because the text mentions more than one King and, the posture of the Portuguese Captain, i humbly insist, is that of imposing submission and not of execution.
An atemptive translation of the text reminds us that Pinhão is (only) defeating his adversary. While he says that "with this i render this", he doesn't say i am executing or executed this; if he had in fact killed the warrior, why wouldn't he prefer the stone sculpted with such final image ?
An exponential example of this is one provided by a source that pretends that Pinhão is rescuing from death the successor of the King of Jaffna ... whatever this statement is worth

:
(QUOTING) In 1591 the king of Jafnna was unwise enough to attack Mannar, and in consequence lost his life and throne at the hands of the Portuguese under Andre Furtado. His successor, whose rescue from death by Simao Pinhao is depicted on the mural tablet at the Saman Dewale near Ratnapura, was the creature of Portugal, and from 1593 there were only two powers in the island, the Kandyans under Vimala Dharma Surya and the Portuguese notninally fighting for Dharmapala;. the latter, as we have seen, had taken Sitawaka and recovered most of the old dominions of Kotte with such ease that in.. 1594 they proposed to annex the highland kingdom and place on the throne Dona Catharina, the daughter, of the king expelled by Rajasinha. Pedro Lopes De Sousa, the first `Captain General of the Conquest,' succeeded in entering Kandy, and enthroned the princess. But he alienated the people by surrounding the young queen with Portuguese. Further, Manamperi was suspected of treason and slain; his levies thereupon deserted, and the expedition ended in disaster in the neighbourhood of Gannoruwa. The general was killed and Dona Catharina fell into the hands of Vimala Dharma Surya, who perfected his title by marrying the heiress of Kandy. The `Apostate of Candea' treated the captive Portuguese with great cruelty, mutilating fifty of them and sending these to Colombo `with one eye for each five (END QUOTING).
The other "confusion" is that Pinhão mentions various Kings in the text. Although the deciphering does not reveal the name of them all, we clearly read OS REIS DE meaning the plural for Kings (*) ... this before mentioning the last King, such one considered to be the one subjugated in the scene.
(*) Could one be the King of Uva ?

Another touch up in the translation would be that he mentions that he has "defeated" or "beaten" (the King or Kings) ... perhaps better terms than "conquered".
Concerning the inclusion of the name of Jaffanapatão (Jaffnapatan), even with the help of the decipherings already published i am not qualified to assure the word is there ... although it looks plausible, certainly more plausible than the other possibilities suggested. Besides the erosion of the stone, translations of (early) texts are (also) contextual, hence worthy of a specialist. I have read that Donald Ferguson is intimate with the portuguese language.
One possibility i haven't yet heard of, which being a remote one is not necessarily implausible, is that the scene depicted may only be a virtual (symbolic) one, commissioned by a presumptuous Pinhão, based on his feats. Symbolism also exists; somehow like the multiple attribution of the Cingalese warrior in the scene.
But coming back to the topic of the thread, which is the Kasthane, the sword in the hands of the Cingala (Kandyan) warrior looks more like a calachurro

-

David · 18th March 2014, 01:08 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by fernando

But coming back to the topic of the thread, which is the Kasthane, the sword in the hands of the Cingala (Kandyan) warrior looks more like a calachurro

Wouldn't it be a bit long for a calachurro. I believe you recently cited a source from 1685 that put the length of those knives at 2 1/2 palms long.

fernando · 18th March 2014, 02:39 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by David

Wouldn't it be a bit long for a calachurro. I believe you recently cited a source from 1685 that put the length of those knives at 2 1/2 palms long.

C'mon David

Let me put up some fantasy. Artists had their freedom ... more often towards exagerating than minimizing things. Just trying to justify myself

.
... And i thought the palm measure was secret data

.
Speaking seriously, my approach was more to the sword not being a Kasthane ... as we are presently given to know its design

David · 18th March 2014, 10:21 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by fernando

C'mon David

Let me put up some fantasy. Artists had their freedom ... more often towards exagerating than minimizing things. Just trying to justify myself

Absolutely Nando, fantasize away…this is certainly a good thread for fantasy.

…and i agree, a lion-headed pommel no more makes a sword a kasthana as a wavy blade makes a dagger a keris though i wouldn't count out that this sword may have been of a form that had some influence on the development of the kasthana as we know it.

17th March 2014, 06:23 PM	#2
Ibrahiim al Balooshi Member Join Date: Jul 2006 Location: Buraimi Oman, on the border with the UAE Posts: 4,408	Salaams All... The Sendai Museum exhibits a potentially original early Kastane blade see http://www.vikingsword.com/vb/showthread.php?t=14998 where the weapon is discussed in depth...collected intact, by chance in the Philipines, by the Japanese diplomat and Samurai Hasekura Tsunenaga and this may be backed up by the stone carving with identical form below and expertly presented at post #112. The Storta style of blade whilst intriguing, puzzling and stunning!! may have been introduced earlier, though, that is pure conjecture but in line with the hypothesis on European blade diffusion / the Moors /etc. The interesting reverse theory that this shape of blade may in fact be of the early home grown form and occasionally favoured by warriors without the Vajra Quillons perhaps so that the index finger could be looped over the guard for added purchase power on the thick backblade? Perhaps quillons were optional? (Though it is not without possibility that this was simply artistic stone carvers artistic impression the other details in the carving seem very accurate) Regards, Ibrahiim al Balooshi. Attached Images Last edited by Ibrahiim al Balooshi; 17th March 2014 at 07:17 PM.

17th March 2014, 08:08 PM	#3
fernando (deceased) Join Date: Dec 2004 Location: Portugal Posts: 9,694	Hello again Prasanna I am beginning to learn that the interpretation of this mural stone has been a largely divulgated enigma; which makes me feel a dwarf among so many specialists, versus whom i, a non schooled person, wouldn't dare to contradict. But ... Although the character of Simão Pinhão (Fernão's oncle) appears to be of no doubt, the Cingala warrior individual and his situation in the scene is still a mistery. So much because the text mentions more than one King and, the posture of the Portuguese Captain, i humbly insist, is that of imposing submission and not of execution. An atemptive translation of the text reminds us that Pinhão is (only) defeating his adversary. While he says that "with this i render this", he doesn't say i am executing or executed this; if he had in fact killed the warrior, why wouldn't he prefer the stone sculpted with such final image ? An exponential example of this is one provided by a source that pretends that Pinhão is rescuing from death the successor of the King of Jaffna ... whatever this statement is worth : (QUOTING) In 1591 the king of Jafnna was unwise enough to attack Mannar, and in consequence lost his life and throne at the hands of the Portuguese under Andre Furtado. His successor, whose rescue from death by Simao Pinhao is depicted on the mural tablet at the Saman Dewale near Ratnapura, was the creature of Portugal, and from 1593 there were only two powers in the island, the Kandyans under Vimala Dharma Surya and the Portuguese notninally fighting for Dharmapala;. the latter, as we have seen, had taken Sitawaka and recovered most of the old dominions of Kotte with such ease that in.. 1594 they proposed to annex the highland kingdom and place on the throne Dona Catharina, the daughter, of the king expelled by Rajasinha. Pedro Lopes De Sousa, the first `Captain General of the Conquest,' succeeded in entering Kandy, and enthroned the princess. But he alienated the people by surrounding the young queen with Portuguese. Further, Manamperi was suspected of treason and slain; his levies thereupon deserted, and the expedition ended in disaster in the neighbourhood of Gannoruwa. The general was killed and Dona Catharina fell into the hands of Vimala Dharma Surya, who perfected his title by marrying the heiress of Kandy. The `Apostate of Candea' treated the captive Portuguese with great cruelty, mutilating fifty of them and sending these to Colombo `with one eye for each five (END QUOTING). The other "confusion" is that Pinhão mentions various Kings in the text. Although the deciphering does not reveal the name of them all, we clearly read OS REIS DE meaning the plural for Kings () ... this before mentioning the last King, such one considered to be the one subjugated in the scene. () Could one be the King of Uva ? Another touch up in the translation would be that he mentions that he has "defeated" or "beaten" (the King or Kings) ... perhaps better terms than "conquered". Concerning the inclusion of the name of Jaffanapatão (Jaffnapatan), even with the help of the decipherings already published i am not qualified to assure the word is there ... although it looks plausible, certainly more plausible than the other possibilities suggested. Besides the erosion of the stone, translations of (early) texts are (also) contextual, hence worthy of a specialist. I have read that Donald Ferguson is intimate with the portuguese language. One possibility i haven't yet heard of, which being a remote one is not necessarily implausible, is that the scene depicted may only be a virtual (symbolic) one, commissioned by a presumptuous Pinhão, based on his feats. Symbolism also exists; somehow like the multiple attribution of the Cingalese warrior in the scene. But coming back to the topic of the thread, which is the Kasthane, the sword in the hands of the Cingala (Kandyan) warrior looks more like a calachurro - Attached Images

17th March 2014, 02:45 AM	#1
Prasanna Weerakkody Member Join Date: Sep 2011 Location: Sri Lanka Posts: 52	Yes it is known that the Portuguese warrior was Pinhao. Thanks Fernando for putting much time in to this. I had not seen this particular paper but seen Similar ones. there are 3 interpretations circulating so I was interested in trying to get some independant confirmation. , some say it is Samarakoon rala/Kuruwita Bandara others say it was Rathnayaka mudiyanse and 3rd it was the king of Jaffna. each interpretation given by people with good standing, so only the text shall say for sure. The key is if the word Jaffnapato is really there that will rule out the other two. There was a Portuguese fort for a time close to the Saman devale premises. this was possibly erected there and later moved to the devale after destruction of the fort. Sri Lanka is a small country so warriors were deployed all over the place. Regards and thanks Prasanna