Ethnographic Arms & Armour

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Ibrahiim al Balooshi 25th May 2011 07:05 PM

Omani Swords ; Origins.
 
Quote:

Originally Posted by Jim McDougall
Hi Ibrahiim,
In discussions of what we have been referring to as the Omani short sword, with the hilt having drooping quillons, this does seem to carry traditional hilt form values of very early swords, and I think your suggestion on the Abbasid association is quite plausible.

I also agree that these quite likely might have existed for quite a long period and concurrently with the evolving simple cylinder hilt 'long kattaras'. The early form swords were as noted, most likely to have remained in use in the tribally controlled interior regions of Oman, and these regions and tribes were notably conservative. It is interesting that the Omanis from early times did have considerable contact and influence with the Baluchi's in regions of what is now Pakistan. These were people of Iranian origins with heritage from Mesopotamia. It would seem, without entering into the complexities of the previous Abbasid associations, that these connections would add further support for the quite ancient associations to the hilt style.

I believe that Elgood's comments noting the strong ties between Baluchistan and Oman were well placed, as seems to be quite supportable here.

With Muscat being the primary coastal center of power and of trade from early times, it does seem that it was exposed to considerably more influence from foreign powers, and that in later times would have been more inclined to deviate from the conservative forms of the interior tribal regions. While it is known that with the maritime trade, the short nim'cha, cutlass type sabres which seem to have come in from Yemen in many cases would of course have been well known aboard the vessels, it would appear that the developing variety of 'long kattara' was favored by persons of standing, particularly merchants.

As previously noted, these were likely a simplified version of broadsword using readily available trade blades which were quite present in these trade routes. With the Portuguese presence in Muscat, it is worthy of note that many of these blades in the 16th and 17th centuries were German produced, and quite present in India as well. In India, in fact, the term 'firangi' used for many straight blades used on the swords of khanda and pata type is believed to transliterate to 'Portuguese' and loosely 'foreign'. The trade with India's western Malabar Coast, as well as with the northern areas including Baluchistan might well account for not only the arrival of these blades initiating the newer and simpler hilted kattaras, but might well be the source for the swordplay and dance, which is mentioned in Burton (1884).
He notes on p.163, "...the swordplay of North Africa is that of Arabia and India, apparantly borrowed from the original sword dance". He references the'sword dance' having been Thracian, and describes high leaps and circling performance which included feigned wounding etc.

Similar type swordplay is noted by Halliburton (1935) who went into remote tribal regions high in the Caucusus in Georgia, where the Khevsur people duel with similar actions. The fighters crouch with one knee near the ground. They use small light shields to parry, and they jump about with amazing agility, in circles and trying to outmanuever and exchange blows with thier swords.
In studying the arms of these regions, there seem to be distinct influences from India, as well as of course from Islamic oriented sources, though they are animists and in Orthodox Christian areas in Georgia.

Getting back to the variants of the simple cylinder hilt kattara, again, this is just basically a hilt form which may have evolved as previously noted, as an easy to produce style adjusting to the blades becoming available through trade. With the curved sabre blades, the primary association with the shashka is that in many cases the same type trade blades were used. These same blades turned up on many sabres in many countries. Similar blades are seen on tulwars, Syrian shamshirs, and virtually throughout areas with ports of call visited by these traders. The sabre became more popular through the 19th century with European colonial contact and more availability of these kinds of blades.

I would like to thank you as well for such well placed comments and observations, and am most humbled by your kind compliments, thank you so much,

All the very best,
Jim


Salaams ~ Thank you for your superb reply.
Whilst we may have to some extent refined the origin of the Omani Short Battle Sword (turned down quillons) and to some extent the shaska and european influence plus some inroads into the long curved sayf; the question on Omani Kattara still lies unsolved. On this subject I think I am ready to lay down my pen until such time as a suitable reference is discovered either by another forum member or by us perhaps from one of the Omani museums or cultural institutions.

I admit to running out of reference material at this point, however, I believe the Razha hold the key, though I also think Zanzibar, whilst fascinating in many aspects, is a diversion along with the entire African sword development history which I think has no bearing at all on the Omani Kattara ~ The Straight Omani Long flexible two edged spattula tipped sword with the conical handle. However the entire subject of African weapons is extremely interesting and fascinating a subject that I have ever studied.

Both in support of your letter and in defence of mine I offer a small reference from the web (From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.)

"A war dance is a dance involving mock combat, usually in reference to tribal warrior societies where such dances were performed as a ritual connected with endemic warfare. Martial arts in various cultures can be performed in dance-like settings for various reasons, such as for evoking ferocity in preparation for battle or showing off skill in a more stylized manner. Many such martial arts incorporate music, especially strong percussive rhythms. Examples of such war dances include: is a martial art traditionally performed with a dance-like flavor and to live musical accompaniment";
* A'rda - In Kuwait.:* El-Tahteeb in upper Egypt:* Buza - From Russia.:* Panther Dance - Burmese Bando with swords (dha):* Gymnopaidiai - ancient Sparta:* European Sword dance or Weapon dance of various kinds:* Haka - New Zealand:* Indlamu (Zulu):* Khorumi - Georgia:* Sabre Dance - depicted in Khachaturian's ballet Gayane:* Maasai moran (warrior age-set) dances:* Aduk-Aduk - Brunei:* Ayyalah - Qatar:* Khattak Dance - Afghanistan and Pakistan:* Brazil's Capoeira, as well as some similar Afro-Caribbean arts:* Dannsa Biodag - Scotland and Scottish sword dances:* Hula & Lua - from the traditions of indigenous Hawaiian:* Combat Hopak - From Ukraine:* Yolah - From Oman/UAE"

(the following added by Ibrahiim) And specific to Oman The Razha.

The question isn’t so much on comparison between different countries dance but when in the case of Oman did Razha start? If that can be discovered then the story of the Omani Kattara can be better understood. The indicators are that since Oman was largely a closed society at war with itself and isolated because of mountains and deserts and to some extent sea… external influence was very reduced. Oman only really emerged from the middle ages in the mid to late 20th century. It is suggested that here the effect of systems / weapon freeze was very much in evidence. It is in precisely these conditions that folklore and cultural tradition flourish.

I shall try to uncover more facts about the Razha whilst maintaining my suspicion (unproven) that it entered Omani folklore in about the 9th century. :shrug:

Regards
Ibrahiim Al Balooshi.

Jim McDougall 25th May 2011 09:05 PM

Hi Ibrahiim,
I agree that we have pretty much reached the point where we obviously need more key information that would offer clues to enable our moving further, but I am really glad we have been able to move this far. You;re right that information from either museums or academic institutions in Oman, Zanzibar and Mali might have more revealing data.

I agree also that the Razha is strongly associated with the long kattara and that the spatulate tip is indicative of the type of sweeping, slashing cuts used in wielding these swords. I have always thought it interesting that this feature is characteristic on the takouba of the Sahara, while its cousin, the broadsword kaskara in Sudan uses a spear type point.

More needs to be learned on the chronological history and development of the Razha, and if it can be determined culturally where it is likely to have come from. Burton suggests the Thracians, but then, was this the same type dance? More research needed as always, but very much enjoying discussing this with you!

All the best,
Jim

Ibrahiim al Balooshi 1st June 2011 07:25 PM

Omani Swords ; Origins.
 
Quote:

Originally Posted by Jim McDougall
Hi Ibrahiim,
I agree that we have pretty much reached the point where we obviously need more key information that would offer clues to enable our moving further, but I am really glad we have been able to move this far. You;re right that information from either museums or academic institutions in Oman, Zanzibar and Mali might have more revealing data.

I agree also that the Razha is strongly associated with the long kattara and that the spatulate tip is indicative of the type of sweeping, slashing cuts used in wielding these swords. I have always thought it interesting that this feature is characteristic on the takouba of the Sahara, while its cousin, the broadsword kaskara in Sudan uses a spear type point.

More needs to be learned on the chronological history and development of the Razha, and if it can be determined culturally where it is likely to have come from. Burton suggests the Thracians, but then, was this the same type dance? More research needed as always, but very much enjoying discussing this with you!

All the best,
Jim


Jim McDougall.
Salaams,
I have almost completed my initial research on Omani Folklore and have unearthed some fairly spectacular information. I propose to publish this to you as soon as I can and certainly inside the next few days. Not to put too fine a point on it (no pun intended) most people would fall over laughing if someone suggested that the Omani Kattara was 10th century and folks would fall off their chairs if it was shown to be 7th .... The implications of such a story and the potential relationship with the Omani Short Battle Sword are mind boggling.
Please allow me a few days to generate the paper. :shrug:

Ibrahiim Al Balooshi.

Jim McDougall 2nd June 2011 04:22 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by Ibrahiim al Balooshi
Jim McDougall.
Salaams,
I have almost completed my initial research on Omani Folklore and have unearthed some fairly spectacular information. I propose to publish this to you as soon as I can and certainly inside the next few days. Not to put too fine a point on it (no pun intended) most people would fall over laughing if someone suggested that the Omani Kattara was 10th century and folks would fall off their chairs if it was shown to be 7th .... The implications of such a story and the potential relationship with the Omani Short Battle Sword are mind boggling.
Please allow me a few days to generate the paper. :shrug:

Ibrahiim Al Balooshi.

Hi Ibrahiim,
This is most exciting news, and I know you have been probing this subject deeply. As you note there may be some consternation with assessing such early period for these swords mostly associated with relatively modern times in the Omani sphere of influence, however supported theory can be very compelling. It is wonderful that you have taken such a serious approach to the study of the development of these fascinating weapons, and I am really looking forward to your work !!

All the very best,
Jim

Ibrahiim al Balooshi 3rd June 2011 09:32 AM

Omani Swords ; Origins.
 
Quote:

Originally Posted by Jim McDougall
Hi Ibrahiim,
This is most exciting news, and I know you have been probing this subject deeply. As you note there may be some consternation with assessing such early period for these swords mostly associated with relatively modern times in the Omani sphere of influence, however supported theory can be very compelling. It is wonderful that you have taken such a serious approach to the study of the development of these fascinating weapons, and I am really looking forward to your work !!

All the very best,
Jim


Jim McDougall.

Salaams,
By way of introduction I intend to show the origin and date of the Omani Long Kattara and the relationship with Omani Short Battle Sword. I intend to prove that both weapons stem from the same concept and that the two are branches of the same sword from the late 7th Century AD. In so doing I also intend to show that the original Long Kattara was exported to Saudia where it froze as a design and can in fact be viewed at Michael Blalocks excellent pictures of it in a Riyadh Souk and at a Yemeni Museum on Arabian Swords #1.

My main research into Omani Folklore; specifically focusses upon the traditional music, poetry and dance of Oman and my main reference is www.octm-folk.gov.om/meng/rhythem.asp I have avoided putting it as a footnote as it runs on to many pages.

Oman adopted Islam in the late 7th century and within a very short term had modified its style following that of the Ibadi Islamic structure. Religious linkage with traditional Omani music is well known and the first layer or strata of music(the most important) and dance celebrates this. This "genre" of music at the start of Omani Islamic adoption is called the FUNUN.

In celebration of the memorable annual dates in the Islamic calendar, in particular the two Eid periods and at weddings, certain fixed ritual music and dance patterns emerged. One group of dances accompanied by music, especially drums, was the Razha. "The Sword Dance".

There are several subcategories of Omani Long Kattara sword dance display. The first is with the swords (without shields) paraded in front of the onlookers. Performers swagger to the drumbeat occasionally tossing their swords high in the air and catching them clean by the hilt whilst others leap in the air causing the swords to buzz by clever flick of the wrists. The second form is where two performers mimic a swordfight using Kattara and Buckler Shield urged on by the drums ..The aim being to touch the opponents thumb though in the event of no result a third referee cuts the air between the opponents with his sword to end the set.

The importance of music dance and poetry cannot be over emphasised since it has grown to scores of different performances reflecting sea exploration, trade and war with far off lands~ indeed Oman was trading with the Chinese in the mid 7th Century and later with the west coast of India (Malibar coast) and Africa as well as Persia and its close neighbors. The different genres within traditional music dance and poetry of Oman reflect these occurences and the different beat and tone as well as the dance indicate the provenance like a fingerprint so that you can see where the influence is say, Portuguese or tribal African or a seagoing episode or camel journeying. Each belongs to a separate volume, strata or genre but vitally they are all passed down from generation to generation illustrating the history and lives of Oman before. What is peculiar about the forms is that each has a totally different beat like a fingerprint which makes each performance traceable as each set of music is so unique. Music is after all a mathematical sequence. Different regions Mussandam or Salalah for example have separate genres like tha Jebali Khanjar dance for example.

However The Razha is in the Funun and the Funun was the first and most important of the music and dance traditions cemented around the newly adopted Islamic religion in the late 7th Century. The sword and shield used in the Razha are the Long Kattara and Terrs.

This traditional body of work of Omani poetry, music and dance are very much alive today having been passed down the line for 1300 years.

Please view Michael Blalocks excellent pictures of a sword in a Riyadh Souk and at a Yemeni Museum "posted on Arabian Swords #1".
You may also wish to see the pictures previously put by me of the Omani Short Battle Sword to compare hilts. Plus you may also note the rounded spatula tip in Michaels picture. Could this be related?

In my previous script you will note that I attached the Omani Short Battle Sword as a development of the Abbasid sword being used against Oman in the 7th and 8th Centuries by the Garrison from Baghdad in Oman. In that post I pointed out that the hilt was a celebration of the adoption of Ibadi Islam and I believe it is almost identical to the Long hilt in #1

I believe that there were two swords and both evolved with a similar hilt but with different blades at about the same time. The Short and The Long. Two different swords for two different purposes The short for close infighting possibly with a big shield (now lost)... and the Long for use with the Terrs . Interestingly the Omanis still call both swords by the same name (Kattara). I believe that the Long Kattara eventually superceded the Short simply because it was more popular in its secondary role in traditional celebrations..though it can be proven that both weapons(and others) were iconic badges of office until now. Anyway there were plenty of places the short weapon was good for.. on board ship... in fortresses and amongst fortified villages...The long sword better in the wide open spaces.. The two swords continued to be used for many centuries side by side.

It has to be remembered that for centuries Oman was essentially two countries or one country at war with itself i.e. The Interior versus the Coastal Belt. Even in the mid 20th Century it was still known as Muscat and Oman ! Muscat was capital on the Coast whilst the seat of power in the interior was at Nizwa which as it happens was also the centre for Ibadi Islam.


Trade from the interior was with the rest of Arabia etc through the empty quarter in what is now Saudi Arabia, though then, in the early days, it was all one big massive tribal jigsaw puzzle. Trade in swords, slaves, dates and other products from Nizwa to Arabia by camel caravans would have been standard practise as no trade would have been possible with Muscat. Export and technical freezing of the original Long Kattara as seen at the reference could easily have happened and what we see today in that photo is I believe the Omani Long Kattara in near original form.

So what happened to the Long Kattara hilt? It evolved.. not in Saudia but in Oman. Perhaps the jolting in both its uses as a dance weapon and as a fighting weapon the old handle was prone to breaking apart. Certainly the degree of vibration up into the cruder handle on the #1 Long Kattara would be substantial and as sword making became more modernised the technical ability to make a sword tang and pommel as one piece simply hatched. Timescale?.. The transition to conical hilt? I have no idea but even as late as the introduction of European trade blades.. and so the old handle was simply superceded.

In conclusion I argue that both the Omani Long and Short Kattara are two branches of the same weapon which evolved in the late 7th Century and used in the interior (Dhakiliya) against the Coast of Oman and in support of the Ibadi religious seat which retained the music and Ibadi dance traditions until today. The Razha ( Sword Dance ) is part of the Funun and the two can be date matched to the start of Islam in Oman. I further argue that the virtually identical sword hilt at #1 to the Omani Short speaks volumes and that it is the original Omani Long Kattara frozen in time having been exported centuries ago. :shrug:

Regards,

Ibrahiim Al Balooshi.

Ibrahiim al Balooshi 3rd June 2011 07:12 PM

comparison between the Abbasid and the Omani Short Battle Sword
 
Note to Forum.
Comparison with Topkapi Museum Abbasid Sword and Omani Short Battle Sword under discussion currently and argued by me as 7TH / 8th C.

Salaams,
I happen to be restoring an Omani Short Battle Sword and I realised that I had missed a characteristic repeated on both swords (Abbasid Sword and Omani Short Battle Sword) and placed on the Forum earlier by me outlining 10 similarities in the two swords :

I believe this is similar characteristic~

no 11. Both handles are octagonal in cross section.

Can this vital point be added to my original letter outlining the similarities please perhaps as a footnote or as advised by Moderator Staff.

Shukran,
Regards Ibrahiim Al Balooshi.

Jim McDougall 3rd June 2011 09:12 PM

3 Attachment(s)
Hi Ibrahiim,
I have been completely intrigued by your writing on this in what I consider absolutely superb scholarship in presenting theory and support concerning these variations of the Omani 'kattara'.
I have also added your excellent observation concerning the octagonal cross section in the hilts on many of the earlier examples to the itemized list of points in your earlier post as requested. I would like to note here that the domed pommel on these is remarkably similar to some minarets as seen in the Mosque of al-Hakim in Cairo (attachment below). One of the prevalent characteristics of hilt construction in many instances is compellingly associated with architectural features of these kinds of religious structures.
Regarding your note on the octagonal cross section, many minarets and elements of structure in mosques have eight sided features.

One of the most pleasing and rewarding aspects of our discourse on studying these swords is that it perfectly illustrates the importance of considering so many ancillary aspects in the way we look at them. With the sword obviously being a combat weapon, many would wonder what in the world would dancing amd music have to do with this? As you have well shown, the anthropology of these dance traditions, and in particular the rhythms with drums that accompany them, not only preserve these traditions, but have well served as martially oriented honing of skills in handling these weapons.

Much in the way that hunting often served not only the important purpose of supplying food, which kepts skills with weapons at optimum levels, these kinds of martial 'dances' were actually a kind of training exercise in my view.
Being familiar with the weight and balance of a weapon, and perfecting instinctively reactive movements using them seems of course well placed, and essential at combat skills. It has long been known how important music and accompanying movements have been since earliest times, even to the shamanistic rituals of prehistory. The rhythmic beat of drums and certain other instruments carrying melodic accompaniment certainly has dramatic impact in psychotropic perspective, as well as chants, singing, etc. and the link to the Omani funun you attached is fascinating.

As I mentioned earlier, it is I think most important to go sort of 'long form' is describing these weapons as we discuss them, although the seemingly more general term 'kattara' of course applies generally. I agree that the short battle sword likely was developed and maintained in the inland sectors of Oman. These regions were as previously mentioned, notably conservative and distinct adherents of the Ibadi sect of Islam, and which appears to have evolved just a short time after the death of the Prophet Mohammed in 632C.E. The Ibadiyya seems to have extended into Zanzibar and regions in East and North Africa

The development of these short battle swords are most likely as you suggest, developed from the Abbasid type swords, but the actual form as far as I have been able to find resources on, seems unclear. In "Islamic Swords and Swordsmiths", (the late Dr. Unsal Yucel, Istanbul, 1986.).. it is noted that no Abbasid hilts are known and he suggests they were probably closer in form to Mamluk/Syrian types of 14th c. (AD). He does note that some of the earliest Arab miniatures (c. 13th c. AD) reflect hilts having downturned quillons.

While trade contact with coastal regions in Muscat would have been prohibitive obviously for the tribal groups of interior Oman, as you note there were trade contacts in place into the Rub al Khali which connected to other parts of Arabia and Syria in network. With considerably more diverse external influences from many countries it would seem likely that the break from the more conservative weapon would take place in this context. The development of the cylindrical, sans quillons hilt it would seem to me would as you note probably be in accord with the Razha tradition as the longer unobstructed handle would lend well to the elaborate movements and catching the sword hilt.

The well established tradition of the blunt tip was from early times, where the thrust was not favored and chopping or slashing moves were used. The short heavy blade sabre forms you have described with the karabela style hilts and resembling cutlasses were of course more inclined to maritime use and the coastal trade regions in Muscat. These trade connections by sea to Yemen were likely how these were received as well as the manner the 'long kattara' form went to Yemen (as seem in Michaels post Arabian Swords 2009). It is indeed most interesting to see the vestiges of the interior (possibly we might designate these short battle swords of 'Nizwa' form?) style hilt on the example in the souk in Riyadh. I am not sure this represents a developmental form or a contemporary hybridization though. If more corroborating examples were found of course it would be more compelling. It is a captivating example and definitely worth following further though.
Seeing the old 'minaret' style pommel grafted to the collared and segmented shaft without the familiar drooping quillons is truly a tempting variation.

Regarding the leather covered examples of the 'shashka' type profile hilt which seem to be found with various blades, I think these are most likely Bedouin examples from varying contact tribes further into the Rub al Khali and along established routes. Through intertribal contact and trade these seem to be of a Bedouin type which extends throughout their territories throughout Arabia and into the Sinai regions.
The use of curved blades of course is favored as they are more pragmatically applied to mounted use.

This is truly a fascinating discussion Ibrahiim, and I hope we can keep looking more into these kattara, and your work is outstanding, Im truly learning a great deal here!!! :) and I thank you so much.

All the best,
Jim

Ibrahiim al Balooshi 4th June 2011 10:43 AM

Omani Swords ; Origins.
 
Salaams,
I have a brief note to add as an advisory on a more precise date for the Omani Kattaras which I put more toward the end of the 8th Century A.D. since Oman adopted Islam in 630 A.D. however, it is the Ibadi sect we are concerned with and that only transpired in the early 8th Century AD.(about 710) Allowing for time to settle and inform the masses my estimate would be mid to late in the 8th C. My target date therefor is 751AD; Religion, tradition, swords and all. 751AD.
This date to be further supported in my next addition to the Forum expected later today. :shrug:

Ibrahiim al Balooshi.
4/6/2011.

Ibrahiim al Balooshi 4th June 2011 12:09 PM

Omani Swords ; Origins.
 
Quote:

Originally Posted by Jim McDougall
Hi Ibrahiim,
I have been completely intrigued by your writing on this in what I consider absolutely superb scholarship in presenting theory and support concerning these variations of the Omani 'kattara'.
I have also added your excellent observation concerning the octagonal cross section in the hilts on many of the earlier examples to the itemized list of points in your earlier post as requested. I would like to note here that the domed pommel on these is remarkably similar to some minarets as seen in the Mosque of al-Hakim in Cairo (attachment below). One of the prevalent characteristics of hilt construction in many instances is compellingly associated with architectural features of these kinds of religious structures.
Regarding your note on the octagonal cross section, many minarets and elements of structure in mosques have eight sided features.

One of the most pleasing and rewarding aspects of our discourse on studying these swords is that it perfectly illustrates the importance of considering so many ancillary aspects in the way we look at them. With the sword obviously being a combat weapon, many would wonder what in the world would dancing amd music have to do with this? As you have well shown, the anthropology of these dance traditions, and in particular the rhythms with drums that accompany them, not only preserve these traditions, but have well served as martially oriented honing of skills in handling these weapons.

Much in the way that hunting often served not only the important purpose of supplying food, which kepts skills with weapons at optimum levels, these kinds of martial 'dances' were actually a kind of training exercise in my view.
Being familiar with the weight and balance of a weapon, and perfecting instinctively reactive movements using them seems of course well placed, and essential at combat skills. It has long been known how important music and accompanying movements have been since earliest times, even to the shamanistic rituals of prehistory. The rhythmic beat of drums and certain other instruments carrying melodic accompaniment certainly has dramatic impact in psychotropic perspective, as well as chants, singing, etc. and the link to the Omani funun you attached is fascinating.

As I mentioned earlier, it is I think most important to go sort of 'long form' is describing these weapons as we discuss them, although the seemingly more general term 'kattara' of course applies generally. I agree that the short battle sword likely was developed and maintained in the inland sectors of Oman. These regions were as previously mentioned, notably conservative and distinct adherents of the Ibadi sect of Islam, and which appears to have evolved just a short time after the death of the Prophet Mohammed in 632C.E. The Ibadiyya seems to have extended into Zanzibar and regions in East and North Africa

The development of these short battle swords are most likely as you suggest, developed from the Abbasid type swords, but the actual form as far as I have been able to find resources on, seems unclear. In "Islamic Swords and Swordsmiths", (the late Dr. Unsal Yucel, Istanbul, 1986.).. it is noted that no Abbasid hilts are known and he suggests they were probably closer in form to Mamluk/Syrian types of 14th c. (AD). He does note that some of the earliest Arab miniatures (c. 13th c. AD) reflect hilts having downturned quillons.

While trade contact with coastal regions in Muscat would have been prohibitive obviously for the tribal groups of interior Oman, as you note there were trade contacts in place into the Rub al Khali which connected to other parts of Arabia and Syria in network. With considerably more diverse external influences from many countries it would seem likely that the break from the more conservative weapon would take place in this context. The development of the cylindrical, sans quillons hilt it would seem to me would as you note probably be in accord with the Razha tradition as the longer unobstructed handle would lend well to the elaborate movements and catching the sword hilt.

The well established tradition of the blunt tip was from early times, where the thrust was not favored and chopping or slashing moves were used. The short heavy blade sabre forms you have described with the karabela style hilts and resembling cutlasses were of course more inclined to maritime use and the coastal trade regions in Muscat. These trade connections by sea to Yemen were likely how these were received as well as the manner the 'long kattara' form went to Yemen (as seem in Michaels post Arabian Swords 2009). It is indeed most interesting to see the vestiges of the interior (possibly we might designate these short battle swords of 'Nizwa' form?) style hilt on the example in the souk in Riyadh. I am not sure this represents a developmental form or a contemporary hybridization though. If more corroborating examples were found of course it would be more compelling. It is a captivating example and definitely worth following further though.
Seeing the old 'minaret' style pommel grafted to the collared and segmented shaft without the familiar drooping quillons is truly a tempting variation.

Regarding the leather covered examples of the 'shashka' type profile hilt which seem to be found with various blades, I think these are most likely Bedouin examples from varying contact tribes further into the Rub al Khali and along established routes. Through intertribal contact and trade these seem to be of a Bedouin type which extends throughout their territories throughout Arabia and into the Sinai regions.
The use of curved blades of course is favored as they are more pragmatically applied to mounted use.

This is truly a fascinating discussion Ibrahiim, and I hope we can keep looking more into these kattara, and your work is outstanding, Im truly learning a great deal here!!! :) and I thank you so much.

All the best,
Jim

Salaams, Jim.

Salaams,
Dear Jim, Thank you for your immediate and excellent reply. I wonder if I may reply using your text and answering each paragraph in blue?

I suspect that we have pushed the envelope on origins and dates of this sword group to the ultimate. Many theorists, authors and museums attribute the Long Omani Kattara to the 17th Century whilst the Short has even been suggested as 14th or recently quite daringly to the 10th Century AD almost without a reasoned proof. Placing both weapons as Ibadi Omani Islamic at inception demolishes previous guestimates. I am confident that the whole body of work will convince specialists and future authors, therefore, I request please, that you act for the Forum in presenting the situation correctly. Imagine the repercussions throughout the ethnographic arms world? They will be astonished._______________________________________ _

Hi Ibrahiim,
I have been completely intrigued by your writing on this in what I consider absolutely superb scholarship in presenting theory and support concerning these variations of the Omani 'kattara'.
I have also added your excellent observation concerning the octagonal cross section in the hilts on many of the earlier examples to the itemized list of points in your earlier post as requested. I would like to note here that the domed pommel on these is remarkably similar to some minarets as seen in the Mosque of al-Hakim in Cairo (attachment below). One of the prevalent characteristics of hilt construction in many instances is compellingly associated with architectural features of these kinds of religious structures.
Regarding your note on the octagonal cross section, many minarets and elements of structure in mosques have eight sided features.

Thank you for amending my hilt comparison list with the Omani Short Battle Sword and the Topkapi Abbasid Sword. Your observations are splendid and underscore the Islamic nature of the hilt. I note that some later hilts were copies and did not follow the octagonal approach but the sword I am restoring and many others I have handled I now realize are octagonal original style The domed Pommel of course is Islamic. The Islamic Arch. The turned down Quillons are not only aesthetic and possibly Islamic designs but completely practical. The Pommel not only a counter balance but a spike for close in combat. Intrigue is added by the rather odd collar however that makes practical sense so as to protect the guard and make a tight scabbard fit. Perhaps this weapon carried a shield and of similar form but bigger than the Terrs?

One of the most pleasing and rewarding aspects of our discourse on studying these swords is that it perfectly illustrates the importance of considering so many ancillary aspects in the way we look at them. With the sword obviously being a combat weapon, many would wonder what in the world would dancing amd music have to do with this? As you have well shown, the anthropology of these dance traditions, and in particular the rhythms with drums that accompany them, not only preserve these traditions, but have well served as martially oriented honing of skills in handling these weapons.

Even the local people couldn’t understand why I was examining music and dance!! The Razha certainly developed as a martial art exercise and was locked into the history as it was passed down unchanged through the ages. People couldn’t all read and write, therefore, passing down tradition through music dance and poetry was the method of transition.

Much in the way that hunting often served not only the important purpose of supplying food, which kepts skills with weapons at optimum levels, these kinds of martial 'dances' were actually a kind of training exercise in my view.
Being familiar with the weight and balance of a weapon, and perfecting instinctively reactive movements using them seems of course well placed, and essential at combat skills. It has long been known how important music and accompanying movements have been since earliest times, even to the shamanistic rituals of prehistory. The rhythmic beat of drums and certain other instruments carrying melodic accompaniment certainly has dramatic impact in psychotropic perspective, as well as chants, singing, etc. and the link to the Omani funun you attached is fascinating.

The vital point was attaching the Razha to the Funun and therefore a date as the adoption date of Islam in Oman. The key indicator was the small note in the British Viziers journal in 1931 at Zanzibar when he said that the sword dance, The Razha, was done by Omani not Zanzibari people.

As I mentioned earlier, it is I think most important to go sort of 'long form' is describing these weapons as we discuss them, although the seemingly more general term 'kattara' of course applies generally. I agree that the short battle sword likely was developed and maintained in the inland sectors of Oman. These regions were as previously mentioned, notably conservative and distinct adherents of the Ibadi sect of Islam, and which appears to have evolved just a short time after the death of the Prophet Mohammed in 632C.E. The Ibadiyya seems to have extended into Zanzibar and regions in East and North Africa

I agree that both kattara long and short went to the inland Ibadi half of Oman(in due course) and locked because of tradition and geographical isolation. From there the old long was exported or seeped into what is now Saudi Arabia and possibly Yemen.

The development of these short battle swords are most likely as you suggest, developed from the Abbasid type swords, but the actual form as far as I have been able to find resources on, seems unclear. In "Islamic Swords and Swordsmiths", (the late Dr. Unsal Yucel, Istanbul, 1986.).. it is noted that no Abbasid hilts are known and he suggests they were probably closer in form to Mamluk/Syrian types of 14th c. (AD). He does note that some of the earliest Arab miniatures (c. 13th c. AD) reflect hilts having downturned quillons.

Perhaps the Topkapi resource had not received the Abbasid sword by 1986? The Abbasid Garrison in Oman must have had that weapon.

The delicate question of precise date needs to be looked at. Oman did adopt Islam in 630 AD however Ibadi Islam did not fully take hold until a while after that. It was not until early in the 8th C that Ibadi religion was accepted. I think it fair to add some slip time before everything was functioning as an Ibadi state and the support structures of Islamic Instruction through missionaries (internal and external) plus learning doctrines, schools, mosques, etc were well founded. Therefore perhaps a fair date would be late 8th C. to early 9th C. Ibadiism plus weapons plus traditions. This allows for developments against the Abbasids and the key element of Ibadi religion as the driving force. It can be seen that: The first Ibadhi Imam, Julanda bin Mas'ud, was elected in 751 AD but that he was killed in battle and consolidation only occurred in 801.

To be fair to the first Ibadi Imam Julanda bin Mas'ud, I urge the new amended and consolidated date of 751 AD when he was elected as the most plausible date for the birth of both Kattara Swords. A second plausible and earlier date may exist because Jabr Ibn Zaid who was the first leader in the oman struggle had been in Iraq and would have seen the Abbasid swords and perhaps transmitted the technology to Oman when he arrived therefor an earlier date would be perhaps 730 AD


While trade contact with coastal regions in Muscat would have been prohibitive obviously for the tribal groups of interior Oman, as you note there were trade contacts in place into the Rub al Khali which connected to other parts of Arabia and Syria in network. With considerably more diverse external influences from many countries it would seem likely that the break from the more conservative weapon would take place in this context. The development of the cylindrical, sans quillons hilt it would seem to me would as you note probably be in accord with the Razha tradition as the longer unobstructed handle would lend well to the elaborate movements and catching the sword hilt.

(As a cautionary note it needs to be realized that although there was early turmoil with the Abbasids that after they left, Oman was one country for about 300 years before entering a disjointed period of war with itself on and off down the ages)

The flat cylindrical hilt on the long kattara (integral tang blade and pommel) and without quillons or collar developed in due course though when is beyond me. It could have come as late as the introduction of European trade blades. It is a diversion I suspect. The true original long kattara became frozen as an export to neighboring tribes now in Saudia (and possibly Yemen)

The well established tradition of the blunt tip was from early times, where the thrust was not favored and chopping or slashing moves were used. The short heavy blade sabre forms you have described with the karabela style hilts and resembling cutlasses were of course more inclined to maritime use and the coastal trade regions in Muscat. These trade connections by sea to Yemen were likely how these were received as well as the manner the 'long kattara' form went to Yemen (as seem in Michaels post Arabian Swords 2009). It is indeed most interesting to see the vestiges of the interior (possibly we might designate these short battle swords of 'Nizwa' form?) style hilt on the example in the souk in Riyadh. I am not sure this represents a developmental form or a contemporary hybridization though. If more corroborating examples were found of course it would be more compelling. It is a captivating example and definitely worth following further though.
Seeing the old 'minaret' style pommel grafted to the collared and segmented shaft without the familiar drooping quillons is truly a tempting variation.

I think the stretched hilt form shown in the Riyadh and Yemen museum picture is original in style though may contain some hybrid changes such as a tubular hilt cross section. I have handled two such swords in Muscat and have photos already put to the forum earlier. This seems to me to be the forerunner to the conical flat hilt. Flat spatula tips seem early and could pre-date Islam. As a cautionary note it needs to be realized that although there was early turmoil with the Abbasids that after they left, Oman was one country for about 300 years before entering a disjointed period of war with itself on and off down the ages. It is most probable that the swords transmitted throughout all of Oman at that time though the very strong Ibadi links were in the interior and remained so.


Regarding the leather covered examples of the 'shashka' type profile hilt which seem to be found with various blades, I think these are most likely Bedouin examples from varying contact tribes further into the Rub al Khali and along established routes. Through intertribal contact and trade these seem to be of a Bedouin type which extends throughout their territories throughout Arabia and into the Sinai regions.
The use of curved blades of course is favored as they are more pragmatically applied to mounted use.

I'm not sure if that is the case here. Short, curved, single edges are certainly ideal on board ships. I'm unclear as to what extent Oman used mounted infantry? What I do know is these swords are being made in Ras Al Khaimah today in that form therefore a maritime link is more likely in the case of Ras Al Khaimer at least?

This is truly a fascinating discussion Ibrahiim, and I hope we can keep looking more into these kattara, and your work is outstanding, Im truly learning a great deal here!!! and I thank you so much.


All the best,
Jim

Regards,
Ibrahiim al Balooshi.






Notes ; The majority of Omanis are Ibadhi Muslims, followers of Abd Allah ibn Ibad. This sector is closely followed by Sunni Muslims. The Shi'a minority live along Al Batinah and Muscat coasts. This minority includes the Al-Lawatis, the Bahranis of Bahrain descent, and the Ajam, of vague origin but generally considered to originate in Iran.
Many people think that Ibadism is an outgrowth of the Kharijites movement, a variant form of Islam practiced by descendants of a sect that seceded from the principal Muslim body after the death of the Prophet Muhammad in 632. Ibadies, however, deney this notion considering themselves ougrowthing from the famous follower (tabe'e) Jabir bin Zaid. Ibadies reject primogeniture succession of the Quraysh, the tribe of Muhammad, and assert that leadership of Islam, the caliphate, should be designated by an imam elected by the community from candidates who possess spiritual and personal qualities. Ibadhi leadership is vested in an imam, who is regarded as the sole legitimate leader and combines religious and political authority. The imam is elected by a council of prominent laymen or shaykhs. Adherence to Ibadism accounts in part for Oman's historical isolation. Ibadis were not inclined to integrate with their neighbours, as the majority of Sunni Muslims regard Ibadism as a heretical form of Islam.

Definition: Ibadiyah, or Abadiyah, is a moderate sect in Islam founded in the early 8th century in Oman by the scholar Jabir ibn Zayd al-Azid (d. 711), who was exiled to Oman by the governor of Basra in present-day south Iraq.
Ibadiyah Islam is a milder form of Khariji Islam, accepting coexistence with other Islamic sects and non-Muslims to a degree. Ibadiyahs originally believed in electing their imam and, in a characteristic familiar to any modern-day Jeffersonian, never abide tyranny. Paradoxically, the Ibadi ruler is invested with absolute authority over his followers, though he can be deposed if he does not follow the law.
Ibadiyah Islam flourished under the leadership of Aby Ubaydah Muslim ibn Abi Karimah, who trained missionaries and sent them across the Arab world as far as the Maghreb in North Africa and throughout Oman in hopoes of establishing a pan-Islamic Ibadi community. The movement took hold only in Oman, where it persists to this day.


The early Imamate in Oman arose out of a vision to create the true and ideal Muslim state. The first Ibadhi Imam, Julanda bin Mas'ud, was elected in 751 AD but he died in battle and it was not until 801 AD after a period of turmoil that Warith bin Kaab was elected. There then followed a period of peace, stability and prosperity lasting more than three hundred years.

ariel 4th June 2011 07:00 PM

Every ethnicity that was using swords as weapons had a dance with swords. No surprise here.
Just to clarify. I have never heard of a Russian sword dance called Buza. Dance with Sabers by Khachaturyan is a choreografic invention. While there were caucasian sword dances in the Caucasus, Khachaturyan's 's example cannot serve as an authentic evidence. Ukrainian Combat Hopak is a recent invention of Ukrainian nationalists claiming that most, if not all, Western culture stems from an ancient tribe called Ukr and that Sanskrit is just a bastardized ancient Ukrainian language ( I am not joking). Hopak is an old Ukrainian dance and has nothing to do with swords or martial arts ( unless we call every male dance martial). Combat Hopak is just an amalgam of Tae Quon Do, karate and a host of other east asian martial arts performed while wearing voluminous ukrainian pants. Fake from the beginning to the end. Generally all sword dances are just examples of male strutting. Re-phrasing Eli Wallach in " The good, the bad and the ugly", If you want to cut, cut. Don't dance.
Old Omani Kattara looks to me like an ossified tradition of pre-islamic arabian swords. See old mamluk swords in Yucel's and Aydin's books.
Daghestani armourers at the end of the 19th century made their living by mass-exporting their rather poorly-made blades to Arabia ( perhaps, the connection was via tens of thousands of Circassian and Daghestanis emigrating to the Ottoman lands in the 1870's). Shamil died in Medina, his son not far from there.

Jim McDougall 5th June 2011 04:46 AM

Once again, outstanding response Ibrahiim! and I like very much your itemized responses to the various lines of my post, the blue letters work well.

I am unclear on what is meant by your request of my acting for the forum though, as my input is simply my own opinions and observations based on my own research. As I understand our discussion here is meant to evaluate the possibilities for discovering the possible source for what we have agreed to term the 'short battle sword' as well as the development and relationship of the 'long' kattara to these apparantly considerable earlier swords. I always look forward to the input from all members who add valued observations and pertinant information.

We have I think really put together a good base point for our understanding of these swords, and the perspective on the Razha definitely adds fascinating dimension to the study as we continue looking into the possible typology and developmental aspects of them.

In reviewing "The Arts of the Muslim Knight" (Furusiyya Art Foundation, 1988), on p.79 (#43) one of these early 'short battle swords' is shown with characteristic hilt form with the fluted pommel, tubular grip, 'winged quillons' with bud type downturned quillon tips. The authors note, "...swords of this type were popular over a long period of time and thier documented associations suggest they are ultimately based on dhu'l-Faqar, the silver hilted sword of the Prophet. They represent a simplified version of the luxurious Nasrid swords of the 15th c.". Much as noted in Elgood ("Arms and Armour of Arabia" op.cit.) it seems agreed that while it is generally held these are from Oman, thier precise origin is uncertain.

A number of these are listed in various collections:
Askeri Muzesi, Istanbul , #2382 and #7620 (Alexander, 1985);
Topkapi Sarayi Muzesi, Istanbul, #1/2765 signed Muhammed ibn Ahmad 1842;
Wallace Collection, London, #1796
Metropolitan Museum of Art, N.Y. #1987.43

According to the Furusiyya references, these are believed perhaps from North Africa and of 15th c. while one of 18th c. is said to be associated with the Banu Ahmari.

I did discover that there are indeed a number of Umayyad swords of 7th to 8th c. in Topkapi Saray, though there seems to be some reservations on some of the dating, possibly referring to inscriptions as it seems it is agreed these are early ("Medieval Arab Arms" Abdel Rahman Zaky, in Elgood, 1980, p.203). In this work, the author notes the sword Samsana (the sharp one) which was one of the swords of the Prophet. This sword was said to have been with the legendary people of Ad, in Southern Arabia, and later was passed to Umayyad Caliphs; then to Bedouin chieftains, ultimately to Abbasid Caliph, at which point record of it is lost.

Returning to the Furusiyya reference, (p.79, #43 op.cit.) this example is shown as 17th-18th c. and it is noted that the presumably much earlier 'Nasrid' examples usually have downward dragonhead or lionhead tips, but the Mamluk or North African examples quillon tips are unrecognizably stylized or vegetal.

Here it is mentioned that 'other examples have no guard, but only a cuff on the base of the blade'. Perhaps these are the transitional form seen in the souk in Riyadh shown by Michael Blaylock (2009)? That may suggest the example in the souk is a much earlier 'long' type which has now lost the winged quillons, but retains the blade cuff, and contemporary to the 'short battle swords' which are agreed to be 17th century, and quite likely at this point attributable to as early as 14th by the earliest Arab miniatures depicting them.

Though these references do not move us more conclusively toward the earlier date of 10th c. for the battle sword, it does seem to bring the two hilts closer in being contemporary earlier.

On the shashka form hilts,I have seen shashkas actually in Jordanian context, and the Circassian presence in Ottoman forces presents good reason for these entering many regions under thier control. The Caucasian blades produced often entered Arabian regions in trade and were simply hilted as noted, being used by Bedouin tribes across the Arabian Peninsula and into the many regions where these tribes are active.

The short sabre blades which often have the karabela (hawk head) hilts most definitely have associations to maritime use, which of course would suggest thier presence more likely on the Arabian coastal areas. The shashka blades tend to be longer and more used by individuals mounted, the curved blade more attuned to the preferred 'draw cut'.

I really do appreciate the time you take in responding with this detailed discourse and explaining the many important factors involved in understanding the history of Oman. The search and more discussion continues :)

All the very best,
Jim

Ibrahiim al Balooshi 5th June 2011 09:41 AM

Omani Swords ; Origins.
 
Quote:

Originally Posted by ariel
Every ethnicity that was using swords as weapons had a dance with swords. No surprise here.
Just to clarify. I have never heard of a Russian sword dance called Buza. Dance with Sabers by Khachaturyan is a choreografic invention. While there were caucasian sword dances in the Caucasus, Khachaturyan's 's example cannot serve as an authentic evidence. Ukrainian Combat Hopak is a recent invention of Ukrainian nationalists claiming that most, if not all, Western culture stems from an ancient tribe called Ukr and that Sanskrit is just a bastardized ancient Ukrainian language ( I am not joking). Hopak is an old Ukrainian dance and has nothing to do with swords or martial arts ( unless we call every male dance martial). Combat Hopak is just an amalgam of Tae Quon Do, karate and a host of other east asian martial arts performed while wearing voluminous ukrainian pants. Fake from the beginning to the end. Generally all sword dances are just examples of male strutting. Re-phrasing Eli Wallach in " The good, the bad and the ugly", If you want to cut, cut. Don't dance.
Old Omani Kattara looks to me like an ossified tradition of pre-islamic arabian swords. See old mamluk swords in Yucel's and Aydin's books.
Daghestani armourers at the end of the 19th century made their living by mass-exporting their rather poorly-made blades to Arabia ( perhaps, the connection was via tens of thousands of Circassian and Daghestanis emigrating to the Ottoman lands in the 1870's). Shamil died in Medina, his son not far from there.

Salaams,
Thankyou for the input which is very interesting. My research clearly flags up definite proof that the Omani Short Battle Sword and the Long Omani Kattara belong to Ibadi Islam at the beginning of its adoption by Oman. That was in the 8th Century AD.
The Short Omani Battle Sword is so similar as I have shown to the Abbasid Swords in the Topkapi Museum even down to the spot on the blade and the octagonal hilt cross section. Moreover that sword was in Oman at the time being used by the Abbasid Garrisons. The likely perveyor of that technology was the first Ibadi leader (political and war as opposed to religious) Jabr Ibn Zayd. However I suggest the slightly later date of 751 is also plausible as the first Immam (please see previous scripts)
Unlike other places and peoples The Omani tradition of dance, music and poetry was the method of passing down tradition through the ages and the "Funun Razha sword dance" is identical today as it was then .. as I say in 751 AD. Thats with the Long Kattara and Terrs Buckler Shield. The sword dance appertaining to fighting is pure form and sword practise in motion and I totally disagree about the "cut dont dance" in your reply because the technique for fighting with this system is unique and lethal so getting good through practice with live blades and the inspiration of drums against a live opponent is similar to any martial art form except in this case more so since they dont use wooden practice sticks ! This is as live as you want it without chopping lumps off the other bloke !... Look to the web and search Razha Oman Sword Dance and you will see video of this event.
Swords Date. I realise that this appears to be somewhat outragious, however, there it is. The others were wrong and the new date though still not absolutely precise gives us a proven birthdate in an aproximate range vastly earlier than previously reckoned.
There is still work to be done in sourcing the likely shield for the Short Omani Battle Sword and in trying to further source the origins of the hilts unless they were as I suggest invented at the time as a celebratory design for what was to be a relgiously inspired weapon ~ The Ibadi Swords. 8th Century A.D. Oman. There may be further advances in finding the exact origins of long flexi blades with spatula round tips which may well be Pre Islamic.. :shrug:

Regards,

Ibrahiim Al Balooshi.

Ibrahiim al Balooshi 5th June 2011 12:26 PM

Omani Swords ; Origins.
 
Quote:

Originally Posted by Jim McDougall
Once again, outstanding response Ibrahiim! and I like very much your itemized responses to the various lines of my post, the blue letters work well.

I am unclear on what is meant by your request of my acting for the forum though, as my input is simply my own opinions and observations based on my own research. As I understand our discussion here is meant to evaluate the possibilities for discovering the possible source for what we have agreed to term the 'short battle sword' as well as the development and relationship of the 'long' kattara to these apparantly considerable earlier swords. I always look forward to the input from all members who add valued observations and pertinant information.

We have I think really put together a good base point for our understanding of these swords, and the perspective on the Razha definitely adds fascinating dimension to the study as we continue looking into the possible typology and developmental aspects of them.

In reviewing "The Arts of the Muslim Knight" (Furusiyya Art Foundation, 1988), on p.79 (#43) one of these early 'short battle swords' is shown with characteristic hilt form with the fluted pommel, tubular grip, 'winged quillons' with bud type downturned quillon tips. The authors note, "...swords of this type were popular over a long period of time and thier documented associations suggest they are ultimately based on dhu'l-Faqar, the silver hilted sword of the Prophet. They represent a simplified version of the luxurious Nasrid swords of the 15th c.". Much as noted in Elgood ("Arms and Armour of Arabia" op.cit.) it seems agreed that while it is generally held these are from Oman, thier precise origin is uncertain.

A number of these are listed in various collections:
Askeri Muzesi, Istanbul , #2382 and #7620 (Alexander, 1985);
Topkapi Sarayi Muzesi, Istanbul, #1/2765 signed Muhammed ibn Ahmad 1842;
Wallace Collection, London, #1796
Metropolitan Museum of Art, N.Y. #1987.43

According to the Furusiyya references, these are believed perhaps from North Africa and of 15th c. while one of 18th c. is said to be associated with the Banu Ahmari.

I did discover that there are indeed a number of Umayyad swords of 7th to 8th c. in Topkapi Saray, though there seems to be some reservations on some of the dating, possibly referring to inscriptions as it seems it is agreed these are early ("Medieval Arab Arms" Abdel Rahman Zaky, in Elgood, 1980, p.203). In this work, the author notes the sword Samsana (the sharp one) which was one of the swords of the Prophet. This sword was said to have been with the legendary people of Ad, in Southern Arabia, and later was passed to Umayyad Caliphs; then to Bedouin chieftains, ultimately to Abbasid Caliph, at which point record of it is lost.

Returning to the Furusiyya reference, (p.79, #43 op.cit.) this example is shown as 17th-18th c. and it is noted that the presumably much earlier 'Nasrid' examples usually have downward dragonhead or lionhead tips, but the Mamluk or North African examples quillon tips are unrecognizably stylized or vegetal.

Here it is mentioned that 'other examples have no guard, but only a cuff on the base of the blade'. Perhaps these are the transitional form seen in the souk in Riyadh shown by Michael Blaylock (2009)? That may suggest the example in the souk is a much earlier 'long' type which has now lost the winged quillons, but retains the blade cuff, and contemporary to the 'short battle swords' which are agreed to be 17th century, and quite likely at this point attributable to as early as 14th by the earliest Arab miniatures depicting them.

Though these references do not move us more conclusively toward the earlier date of 10th c. for the battle sword, it does seem to bring the two hilts closer in being contemporary earlier.

On the shashka form hilts,I have seen shashkas actually in Jordanian context, and the Circassian presence in Ottoman forces presents good reason for these entering many regions under thier control. The Caucasian blades produced often entered Arabian regions in trade and were simply hilted as noted, being used by Bedouin tribes across the Arabian Peninsula and into the many regions where these tribes are active.

The short sabre blades which often have the karabela (hawk head) hilts most definitely have associations to maritime use, which of course would suggest thier presence more likely on the Arabian coastal areas. The shashka blades tend to be longer and more used by individuals mounted, the curved blade more attuned to the preferred 'draw cut'.

I really do appreciate the time you take in responding with this detailed discourse and explaining the many important factors involved in understanding the history of Oman. The search and more discussion continues :)

All the very best,
Jim

Salaams,



Salaams Jim, I have again opted for the answers in blue after your excellent comments :see below.


QUOTE=Jim McDougall]Once again, outstanding response Ibrahiim! and I like very much your itemized responses to the various lines of my post, the blue letters work well
.
Thank you your support is excellent.

I am unclear on what is meant by your request of my acting for the forum though, as my input is simply my own opinions and observations based on my own research. As I understand our discussion here is meant to evaluate the possibilities for discovering the possible source for what we have agreed to term the 'short battle sword' as well as the development and relationship of the 'long' kattara to these apparantly considerable earlier swords. I always look forward to the input from all members who add valued observations and pertinant information.

I imagine the forum as a wealth of knowledge from which authors of ethnological weapon expertise draw a lot upon for the information since it is live, current and very informative especially from experts such as yourself…I often find when reearching on the web that I get referred back to the forum site for references !

We have I think really put together a good base point for our understanding of these swords, and the perspective on the Razha definitely adds fascinating dimension to the study as we continue looking into the possible typology and developmental aspects of them.

Yes that has been interesting and there is another ancient dance form eminating from Salalah (Dhofar, Southern Oman) which uses the Khanjar in a performance called Bar-aa. That may be another story.

In reviewing "The Arts of the Muslim Knight" (Furusiyya Art Foundation, 1988), on p.79 (#43) one of these early 'short battle swords' is shown with characteristic hilt form with the fluted pommel, tubular grip, 'winged quillons' with bud type downturned quillon tips. The authors note, "...swords of this type were popular over a long period of time and thier documented associations suggest they are ultimately based on dhu'l-Faqar, the silver hilted sword of the Prophet. They represent a simplified version of the luxurious Nasrid swords of the 15th c.". Much as noted in Elgood ("Arms and Armour of Arabia" op.cit.) it seems agreed that while it is generally held these are from Oman, thier precise origin is uncertain

There is possibly some mythology surrounding the so called swords of the Prophet(PBOH) although they are incredible weapons and may have influenced swords, however, the time frame is a little cramped and I cannot see why it should cloud the issue. I think people are only too ready to place the swords into categories such as Sword of the Prophet(PBOH) and then the pitfall mistake of Spanish design, which is a massive diversion in my view.
Ummayid and Abbasid swords were similar as were Turkish ( In fact the royal palace guards working for the Abbasids in Iraq were Turks)
Making it all slide into a believable time frame often rules out certain formulas and we can only go on mathematical absolute proof rather like a good archeologist or forensic detective. The Ummayid time frame doesn’t fit… The Abbasid one does.

To me Nasrid swords are so far wide of the mark as to be non starters though they may have origins linked to dhul Faqar as may the Omani swords but of a separate branch (possibly).
.

A number of these are listed in various collections:
Askeri Muzesi, Istanbul , #2382 and #7620 (Alexander, 1985);
Topkapi Sarayi Muzesi, Istanbul, #1/2765 signed Muhammed ibn Ahmad 1842;
Wallace Collection, London, #1796
Metropolitan Museum of Art, N.Y. #1987.43


According to the Furusiyya references, these are believed perhaps from North Africa and of 15th c. while one of 18th c. is said to be associated with the Banu Ahmari.

I think that is al amari which would be an Omani reference but again very late: 18th Century? Ten centuries out. How can they be in the Funun if they are 18th Century?

Yes that is true however that is true for those references which I believe are correct but not complete. They omit the full facts about the Omani weapons and their origins linking the Ibadi Islamists around AD 751.

I did discover that there are indeed a number of Umayyad swords of 7th to 8th c. in Topkapi Saray, though there seems to be some reservations on some of the dating, possibly referring to inscriptions as it seems it is agreed these are early ("Medieval Arab Arms" Abdel Rahman Zaky, in Elgood, 1980, p.203). In this work, the author notes the sword Samsana (the sharp one) which was one of the swords of the Prophet. This sword was said to have been with the legendary people of Ad, in Southern Arabia, and later was passed to Umayyad Caliphs; then to Bedouin chieftains, ultimately to Abbasid Caliph, at which point record of it is lost.

It could be possible that Ummayid swords influenced the Abbasid Sword design (since Ummayid was the dynasty before) and even some influence to Omanis Swords at the time, however, the Ummayid time frame doesn’t fit. The Abbasid time frame does and the fact that they were garrisoned in Oman and operating against the Omani Ibadis (the first Omani Immam died at their hands in battle in the late 8thC)The fighting purely based on style of Islamic religion. The Omani Swords by then were Iconic Ibadi weapons.

Returning to the Furusiyya reference, (p.79, #43 op.cit.) this example is shown as 17th-18th c. and it is noted that the presumably much earlier 'Nasrid' examples usually have downward dragonhead or lionhead tips, but the Mamluk or North African examples quillon tips are unrecognizably stylized or vegetal

Nasrid is also miles too late and was one of the first casualties in my research. I call the Nasrid sword "Geographically Innert and Time Frame impossible".

The Nasrid dynasty or Banū Naṣr (Arabic: بنو نصر‎) was the last Moorish and Muslim dynasty in Spain. The Nasrid dynasty rose to power after the defeat of the Almohad dynasty in 1212 at the Battle of Las Navas de Tolosa. Twenty-three different emirs ruled Granada from the founding of the dynasty in 1232 by Muhammed I ibn Nasr until January 2, 1492, when Muhammad XII surrendered to the Christian Spanish kingdoms of Aragon and Castile. Today, the most visible evidence of the Nasrids is the Alhambra palace complex built under their rule. (500 to 700 years too late).


Here it is mentioned that 'other examples have no guard, but only a cuff on the base of the blade'. Perhaps these are the transitional form seen in the souk in Riyadh shown by Michael Blaylock (2009)? That may suggest the example in the souk is a much earlier 'long' type which has now lost the winged quillons, but retains the blade cuff, and contemporary to the 'short battle swords' which are agreed to be 17th century, and quite likely at this point attributable to as early as 14th by the earliest Arab miniatures depicting them

.

That is very interesting indeed. The Riyadh? Yemen Museum variants(Michael Blalocks) could also be described as such … The quillons are there but folded forward as part of the collar arrangement. It may be identical and the description of no guard is true though they coild easily have missed the collar and quillon incorporation as " no guard" in their description…That follows my argument that these are the original form of Omani Long Kattara. However I am totally at loggerheads with the dates 14th and 17th Century~ They are 8th Century.


Though these references do not move us more conclusively toward the earlier date of 10th c. for the battle sword, it does seem to bring the two hilts closer in being contemporary earlier
.
10th Century is too late. By then Oman was about to disintegrate into 2 warring factions. Ibadi Islam had been in place for over 2 centuries. The Razha had been drumming from 751 AD or slightly earlier if my supposition about the leader Jabr Ibn Zayd is allowed and Ibadi seat of control Nizwa was about to exert its rule of the Interior… The 10th Century doen't fit.

On the shashka form hilts,I have seen shashkas actually in Jordanian context, and the Circassian presence in Ottoman forces presents good reason for these entering many regions under thier control. The Caucasian blades produced often entered Arabian regions in trade and were simply hilted as noted, being used by Bedouin tribes across the Arabian Peninsula and into the many regions where these tribes are active

Agreed on shaska influence on other Omani weapons . However regarding the Omani Short and Katara Long ~The Ottoman empire is too late. Anyway they hardly ruled Oman though they thought they did on maps. Piri Reis did attack Muscat and expelled for a short period the Portuguese but 16th Century?; that is way too late.

I think there are a lot of weapons that could have entered Oman but didn’t. For example there are hundreds of Indian and Persian variant swords~ none came into use by Oman. Why? Mainly because Indianweapons were Hindu and even in the case of Muslim (Persia and later parts of India) weapons they weren’t the right style of Islam to be accepted.. However, the primary reason is that Oman adopted Islam before the Persians so they already had the Ibadi variant and they were happy to retain that. Once they had integrated these relgious inspired weapons into their tradition they were unmoveable.. They are still there today.


The short sabre blades which often have the karabela (hawk head) hilts most definitely have associations to maritime use, which of course would suggest thier presence more likely on the Arabian coastal areas. The shashka blades tend to be longer and more used by individuals mounted, the curved blade more attuned to the preferred 'draw cut'.

Agreed on shaska influence on other weapons later in Oman especially maritime via Yemen .

However as a note it doesn’t mean that the Kattara was not used on the coast… there were wide windows of influence when Oman was "one country" and both Ibadi weapons would have been used throughout. It seems clear to me that it was this coastal effect that eventually brought a change to the Long Kattara hilt.


When the two factions of coastal and interior war flared up as it did on several occasions the seat of Ibadi Islam was in Nizwa and it is there that the powerful traditions; "The Funun" etc eminate. No matter what the state of affairs between coastal / interior factions in Oman this tradition has been retained there in the interior through thick and thin... as a permanent tradition.

This is an Interior Omani weapons system timelocked frozen and stored in the national memory banks and wheeled out at every wedding and twice yearly at each Eid celebration..ad infinitum since about 751 A.D. :shrug:


I really do appreciate the time you take in responding with this detailed discourse and explaining the many important factors involved in understanding the history of Oman. The search and more discussion continues :)

All the very best,
Jim[/QUOTE

Thank You very much.
Ibrahiim al Balooshi..

ariel 7th June 2011 12:31 AM

If we are talking about sword dances, this one

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KRpoF...eature=related


might be intriguing

Ibrahiim al Balooshi 7th June 2011 10:07 AM

Omani Swords ; Origins.
 
Quote:

Originally Posted by ariel
If we are talking about sword dances, this one

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KRpoF...eature=related


might be intriguing

Salaams,
That is intriguing . I note how well balanced the exponent is by having a sword in each hand which is similar to the balance achieved with Kattara and Terrs though the two dances are otherwise totally unrelated.

Parallel and unrelated tribal dances and even artefacts occur in unlinked tribal groups across the globe, for example, Australian Aborigine, Eskimo, African, Amazon Indian, North American Indian, South Arabian groups etc but only as accidental unrelated developments. Escrima Philipine martial arts have possibly similar style to the two sword slashing action of the video you posted, but again; not linked.

What I do think is worth looking at is Martial Arts use of The Kata(Japanese) or traditional sequence moves done as sets or drills. The Kata are sacred to each Martial System. The sets are often quite different for each style. They encompass the essence of that style and never change after being introduced at the birth of that Martial Art. Its the same in Korean and Chinese systems. All different, all sacred and all passed down the ages.

I draw the analogy between that and the Omani Funun which was the traditional genre drawn up at the birth of the Ibadi system ~ in this case a religion ~ that contained at its core the vital "pass down" ingredients from the start of the religious style; The Razha (sword procession and sword dances) carried out as pageants, rituals and as a martial system in honour of Ibadism in the date brackets of aproximately 700 to 800 A.D. Using the Omani Long Kattara and the Terrs.

Passed down as embedded folklore and religious conformity twice annually at each Eid, at almost every wedding, at meetings of VIPS, at cultural meetings and exchanges in schools , at cultural events, National Days and other important dates in the calendar; religious, political and social for about the last 1300 years and still going strong today.

Ibrahiim Al Balooshi.

Regards,
Ibrahiim al Balooshi.

Ibrahiim al Balooshi 9th June 2011 05:10 PM

Omani Swords ; Origins.
 
2 Attachment(s)
Jim McDougall.


Salaams,
I have found one sword in Muscat with the hilt we are all talking about. I now own that one. I believe this hilt to be from the original Long Omani Kattara and essentially the same hilt to the Omani Short Battla Sword, though stretched.
Mounted on this hilt is the Ethiopian blade probably Luckhouse and Gunther (German) Trade Blade. 19thC.

[B]Update;[/B]

Our hypothesis is that the two swords( The Omani Short and Long) have a similar birth date into Oman as battle swords in commemoration of the Islamic sect accepted there after 630 (630 A.D. was the date of acceptance of Islam with a slightly later date for the adoption of the Ibadi style in the region in 751 chosen by this author as an honorary date in respect of the first Immam appointed on that date.) It is possible that it transpired earlier though the date 751.A.D. is chosen to illustrate the time zone rather than a specific and precise date. Narrowing it down to the mid 8th Century is however far more accurate but takes into consideration due cause giving it good reason to exist at that time as 1. Copied from the Abbasid 2. An honorary design with an Islamic Hilt to herald in the new unique Ibadi sect of Islam to Oman.

[B]Tradition.(Music, Dance, Poetry)[/B]

It is argued that the FUNUN holds the key as the celebratory and folklore method of honouring the two Islamic calendar Eid celebrations annually and was performed at wedding feasts and civic and political meetings down the ages. The Funun genre of music, dance and poetry is sacresanct and integral to Ibadi Islam and within this early volume is the Razha (Sword Dance using the Long Kattara and Buckler "Terrs" Shield)

If it can be viewed another way ? ~ In Oman music, dance, and poetry are rather like martial arts drills sequences or :"Kata" which were the blueprint and essential identity of that skill. They never change. In Oman it was the means by which folklore and the reflection of daily lives was passed down from generation to generation. Moreover the heart and soul of this folklore system was called The Funun containing a key element The Razha or Sword Dances. One in particular is a celebration of Long Omani Kattara and Terrs "mimic combat". Another is key to the sword honoring Ibadi religion by celebratory parading with leaps and throwing and showing off with the weapon to the exultation of the guests and the accompanying orchestra of drums.

The seat of the Ibadi was always Nizwa as the capital of the Dhakiliyya or interior. It is from there that the founding leader of the Omanis was born, went to Iraq and returned to lead the nation against the Abbasid. From Nizwa the traditions have been handed down through the folklore system. It is still being done to this day in the time honoured way.

[B]Key Personalities.[/B]

Amir Ibn Al As in 630 presented a letter requesting adherence to Islam by the Omanis. Oman agreed. This important event took place at Nizwa. A short while later Oman adopted Ibadi Islam as its chosen sect. Note that Nizwa was to be the chosen seat of all the early Immams as well as the capital of the interior in peace and later in war with the Oman Coast.

The Abbasid Dynasty. The Abbasids from Iraq garrisoned in Oman and punished Omanis during the 8th and 9th Centuries for adopting Ibadi Islam as heretical. The sword used by the Abbasid Garrisons is in the Topkapi Museum Istanbul. (see my earlier text on the 11 similarities in sword design; Abbasid versus Omani Short Battle Sword)

Jabr Ibn Zayd (Originally from near Nizwa in the Oman Interior)was exiled from Iraq and returned to lead Oman against the Abbasids. He died in 711 therefor it is quite plausible that having seen the technology in Iraq he transferred the Abbasid sword for use by Omanis in the time honoured way of simply redesigning the hilts for both a short and long Kattara (The Long Omani Kattara and the Short Omani Battle Sword) and incorporated a hilt which had Islamic overtones and could prove Iconic for the Ibadi religion. The Long Omani Kattara Sword and Terrs Shield was then locked forever into Omani Folklore and tradition thus it is in the body of work called the Funun as the "Razha" sword dance.. at the inception of Ibadhi Islam.

Julanda bin Massoud; in 751 AD, It is plausible that he, as the first Immam completed the cycle of events as first Immam of the new Ibadi sect in Oman and took the fight to the Abbasid invaders. He was killed in battle only a year or so after that and it was not until 811 AD that a period of relative stability occured with another early Immam Warth bin Kaab.

Nizwa; The seat of the Ibadi was always Nizwa as the capital of the Dhakiliyya or interior. It is from there that the founding leader of the Omanis was born, went to Iraq and returned to lead the nation against the Abbasid. From Nizwa the traditions have been handed down through the folklore system. It is still being done to this day in the time honoured way.

The seat of the Ibadi sect remained in Nizwa and later when Oman was at war with itself, key to sword distribution around neighboring countries. Trade was vital to a segment of the country generally cut off from the Indian Ocean and Nizwa Capital of this "country within a country" turned to the camel train as its lifeline. It is likely that what is now Saudi Arabia but was then a segmented multi tribal feifdome hosted much of this trade though access north was also likely to Gulf nations and south to Yemen and Africa. Once the Long Kattara was exported it would have frozen, thus, what we see pictured here is, I believe, the original Omani Long Kattara "Hilt" rejigged in the last 150 years or so with a German trade blade originally destined for Ethiopia and likely used there and later hilt switched etc arriving in the last 20 years into Muscat. Virtually full circle.

Essentially and in conclusion therefore; these are 8th Century A.D. original, Omani Battle Swords; A pair of weapons with hilts redesigned to herald in the new Islamic Ibadi sect and in the case of The Long Kattara and Terrs entering Omans Folklore, whilst the Short Omani Battle Sword was equally Iconic but used in close quarter battle like the Roman Gladius though probably with a bigger shield as yet not pinpointed. Through being used as a favourite in the procession and dance of Omani folklore the long probably superceded the short through the centuries.

The Long Kattara hilt evolved into a conical flat arrangement over the new "blade tang and pommel" construction whereas the old exported version froze in design but equally evolved in different directions being matched with long african/european trade blades viewable in the souk in Riyadh and Muscat(now with me) plus in a military museum in Yemen.

As a side related issue both the Omani Long Kattara and the Omani Short Battle Sword appear in drawings and photographs up to and beyond the 1890s worn by various Omani dignatories in and around Zanzibar and Oman (as well as the long curved Sayf on a Kattara hilt and Persian Shamshir and other Zanzibari and Omani weapons ie The Khanjar in the role of Iconic badge of Office in the region.) Ingram the English Visier at the Zanzibar court was, however, correct when he described the Razha as an Omani Dance and it is from that single line in his early 20th Century diary that this work transpires; pushing back the envelope to the 8th Century.

Without motive it was not logical to leave these weapons floundering between the 10th and in some cases the 17th or 18th century. Neither was it correct to assume African, Zanzibari, Portuguese, Indian or other birthright without due diligence. I believe we have corrected those mistakes. :shrug:

Regards,

Ibrahiim Al Balooshi.

Below I present the swords photographed together with on the left two Short Omani Battle Swords then the old long original Kattara Hilt with a trade blade, then the Kattara with its more well known hilt;

Jim McDougall 10th June 2011 05:40 PM

This is an absolutely outstanding synopsis of the hypothesis established to date, and it is wonderful to see how analyzing the various historical events extending to the earliest times of Islam in these regions form a key part of understanding the development of these swords.
Also an important facet of this analysis is the importance of the connection between the Razha (sword dance) and the martial arts application of these 'long kattara' in the preservation of the traditions of these forms of the sword.

It really is quite amazing that such an approach has not been pursued sooner. though clearly the questions have been there (as seen by the 2006 posts by al-Anizi. It has long been clear that the connections between Oman and trade centers in East Africa were reflected in the appearance of these long kattara in those regions. The advent of German trade blades entered into the sphere from 17th into 19th centuries in notable degree, which of course has long suggested that the Omani 'long' kattara was a relatively recent phenomenon. One of the greatest problems in establishing developmental lineage of various ethnographic sword forms has been the lack of chronologically provenanced examples. This is a case where a plausible theory is supported by the relative seclusion of these inner regions of Oman versus the more dynamic trade connections of Muscat, and how these earlier sword forms might have weathered these influences remaining in place for over a millenium.

As mentioned earlier, the existence of 'sword dance' is hardly unusual as a concept ethnographically, and the dramatic representation of combat and events seems a quite understandable manner of maintaining tradition in mankind in general. Such practices were even in degree practiced by early man and dancing as a development of shamanic ceremony was probably part of the formation of early religion and temporal perception of his surroundings.
There are however certain peculiarities it seems in these representations in vastly separated cultural spheres which have no apparant direct contact with each other. It does seem that the roots of the Razha must be shared with a number of other versions of this particular dance style, but though I believe the details are similar, for example with the crouched position in opening to the exaggerated leaps and wide blade sweeps to the Khevsur 'duels' in the Caucusus, there are a number of aspects that seem dissimilar. If I understand correctly, one of the elements key in the Omani performance is the undulating of the long blade to produce sound, which requires a longer well forged blade of strength and thinness.

Extremely well written and nicely presented Ibrahiim! Thank you so much for sharing this here, and again, it is fantastic to see this kind of research followed in the study of weapons. It is inspiring to see this, and gives us hope that equal attention will be afforded the many other weapons whose developments have remained clouded in mystery for so long.

With all very best regards,
Jim

Ibrahiim al Balooshi 11th June 2011 03:00 PM

0mani Sword Origins.
 
Quote:

Originally Posted by Jim McDougall
This is an absolutely outstanding synopsis of the hypothesis established to date, and it is wonderful to see how analyzing the various historical events extending to the earliest times of Islam in these regions form a key part of understanding the development of these swords.
Also an important facet of this analysis is the importance of the connection between the Razha (sword dance) and the martial arts application of these 'long kattara' in the preservation of the traditions of these forms of the sword.

It really is quite amazing that such an approach has not been pursued sooner. though clearly the questions have been there (as seen by the 2006 posts by al-Anizi. It has long been clear that the connections between Oman and trade centers in East Africa were reflected in the appearance of these long kattara in those regions. The advent of German trade blades entered into the sphere from 17th into 19th centuries in notable degree, which of course has long suggested that the Omani 'long' kattara was a relatively recent phenomenon. One of the greatest problems in establishing developmental lineage of various ethnographic sword forms has been the lack of chronologically provenanced examples. This is a case where a plausible theory is supported by the relative seclusion of these inner regions of Oman versus the more dynamic trade connections of Muscat, and how these earlier sword forms might have weathered these influences remaining in place for over a millenium.

As mentioned earlier, the existence of 'sword dance' is hardly unusual as a concept ethnographically, and the dramatic representation of combat and events seems a quite understandable manner of maintaining tradition in mankind in general. Such practices were even in degree practiced by early man and dancing as a development of shamanic ceremony was probably part of the formation of early religion and temporal perception of his surroundings.
There are however certain peculiarities it seems in these representations in vastly separated cultural spheres which have no apparant direct contact with each other. It does seem that the roots of the Razha must be shared with a number of other versions of this particular dance style, but though I believe the details are similar, for example with the crouched position in opening to the exaggerated leaps and wide blade sweeps to the Khevsur 'duels' in the Caucusus, there are a number of aspects that seem dissimilar. If I understand correctly, one of the elements key in the Omani performance is the undulating of the long blade to produce sound, which requires a longer well forged blade of strength and thinness.

Extremely well written and nicely presented Ibrahiim! Thank you so much for sharing this here, and again, it is fantastic to see this kind of research followed in the study of weapons. It is inspiring to see this, and gives us hope that equal attention will be afforded the many other weapons whose developments have remained clouded in mystery for so long.

With all very best regards,
Jim

Salaams Jim,
Thank you for this and all your inspiring replies. Your masterful approach has helped so much in finally examining this clouded issue which has puzzled experts for too long. Thanks to you and this forum we have at last got much closer to understanding these Omani Swords.

Regards,
Ibrahiim al Balooshi.

Ibrahiim al Balooshi 17th June 2011 04:47 PM

Omani Swords. Origins.
 
Quote:

Originally Posted by Jim McDougall
This is an absolutely outstanding synopsis of the hypothesis established to date, and it is wonderful to see how analyzing the various historical events extending to the earliest times of Islam in these regions form a key part of understanding the development of these swords.
Also an important facet of this analysis is the importance of the connection between the Razha (sword dance) and the martial arts application of these 'long kattara' in the preservation of the traditions of these forms of the sword.

It really is quite amazing that such an approach has not been pursued sooner. though clearly the questions have been there (as seen by the 2006 posts by al-Anizi. It has long been clear that the connections between Oman and trade centers in East Africa were reflected in the appearance of these long kattara in those regions. The advent of German trade blades entered into the sphere from 17th into 19th centuries in notable degree, which of course has long suggested that the Omani 'long' kattara was a relatively recent phenomenon. One of the greatest problems in establishing developmental lineage of various ethnographic sword forms has been the lack of chronologically provenanced examples. This is a case where a plausible theory is supported by the relative seclusion of these inner regions of Oman versus the more dynamic trade connections of Muscat, and how these earlier sword forms might have weathered these influences remaining in place for over a millenium.

As mentioned earlier, the existence of 'sword dance' is hardly unusual as a concept ethnographically, and the dramatic representation of combat and events seems a quite understandable manner of maintaining tradition in mankind in general. Such practices were even in degree practiced by early man and dancing as a development of shamanic ceremony was probably part of the formation of early religion and temporal perception of his surroundings.
There are however certain peculiarities it seems in these representations in vastly separated cultural spheres which have no apparant direct contact with each other. It does seem that the roots of the Razha must be shared with a number of other versions of this particular dance style, but though I believe the details are similar, for example with the crouched position in opening to the exaggerated leaps and wide blade sweeps to the Khevsur 'duels' in the Caucusus, there are a number of aspects that seem dissimilar. If I understand correctly, one of the elements key in the Omani performance is the undulating of the long blade to produce sound, which requires a longer well forged blade of strength and thinness.

Extremely well written and nicely presented Ibrahiim! Thank you so much for sharing this here, and again, it is fantastic to see this kind of research followed in the study of weapons. It is inspiring to see this, and gives us hope that equal attention will be afforded the many other weapons whose developments have remained clouded in mystery for so long.

With all very best regards,
Jim

Salaams Jim,
I was just sweeping back through all the posts related to this subject in an attempt at damage assessment as there were some possible swords linked which I thought could have been wrongly attributed.

Michael Blalaock on 28 feb 2010 on Yemeni Sword illustrates an excellent picture which is clearly similar to the sword by;

Steve on 28 march 2011 Arabian Swords #14.( Wallace Collection)

Both these swords hilts are clearly derived from the OLD Omani Long Kattara in this discussion. The swords are Hybrids, perhaps the brainchild of an arabian silversmith bringing the old Omani exported kattara up to Iconic, Badge of Office status. One sword is in the Wallace collection in the UK. Currently we have one sword being hybridised in the same way by our master silversmith.
I mention sword, however, in this context all we have is a fragmented hilt and a relatively modern 19th Century trade blade with a VR British Raj Crown stamp ... It is an interesting point since much of the conversation is about, for example, Omani swords yet I have never seen an "original" Kattara long blade (is it possible that all Omani Long Kattara blades were replaced with new blades in the 17th, 18th and 19th Centuries and thus a new style of hilt ?) whereas on the short sword they look distinctly original. Could that be the link in all these swords being exported from interior Oman? Technically you dont convert the old sword .. you simply replace it with a new one... new blade and new hilt.
If that is the case then there will be some original blades on original hilts out there having been exported to Yemen and what is now Saudi Arabia.

Meanwhile The Wallace Collection needs an update !

Jim McDougall 19th June 2011 07:16 AM

Hi Ibrahiim,
In looking at these four hilts, it is difficult to determine at this point whether these are regional variations, or whether there is a transitional development shown at this point. I am under the impression that the examples we are now calling the 'short battle swords' with the downturned 'winged' type guard are most likely to have existed from quite early times in the Dhakiliyya, where they are believed to have evolved from early Abbasid swords and with that plausibly existed as a type from as early as the 8th century.

With the conservativism and relative isolation of the Ibadi Sect in these interior regions these earlier type hilts in the kattara continued traditionally.These then became concurrent with a longer bladed type kattara which reflects certain elements of the hilt form of this older form with the cylindrical grip and minaret type pommel, and was guardless. A similar cuff covers the root of the blade of both types of kattara.

It remains unclear whether these long bladed hybrid type kattaras, which are essentially the same as the the square pommeled form which we consider associated with the dynamic trade regions of the coast in Muscat and other points of the Sultanate including Zanzibar, were in use in the interior regions by the Ibadi contemporararily with the traditional battle swords or not.

Robert Elgood ("Arms and Armour of Arabia", 1994, p.16) cites the 1821 narrative of James Fraser, who visited the Omani garrison at Ormuz and claimed the broadswords used by them resembled the Scottish broadsword blade, and that some of these were made in Yemen. I believe that he meant that they 'came' from Yemen, where they were probably mounted. The example posted by Michael Blalock in 2010 (and resembling the Wallace example) has a scabbard similar to the silver banded mounts known to have been from Yemen (Elgood p.15, noting C. Buttin's attribution) and that many of these had 17th century blades. These were likely of course German, and of the type of broadsword blades seen on Scottish swords as noted (Fraser), as most Scottish blades were German.

It would seem that many of these broadsword blades were German, and of the 17th and 18th centuries, and they were likely remounted numerous times during thier working lives as are most of the ethnographic swords. It would seem that the newer style hilts would be used, and perhaps these 'hybrids' are an amalgam of old form but with revised guard, or indeed transitional. The curved blades, though occasionally appearing in Omani kattara hilts, are it seems mostly 19th century.

It will be difficult to prove the 8th century origin on the hilt style of these early kattara now believed to be primarily of the interior regions until there is more proof. However, these do appear to be much earlier than the 17th-18th century date presumed by the blades found in many of them. Elgood (p.18, footnote #36) notes that one of these earlier hilts of bronze was sold at Sothebys (Islamic sale, 24 April, 1991, lot #1113) which was described as 12th-14th century. Though that attribution is not strongly supported, it is not necessarily disputed either.

As always, looking forward to continuing research and discussion. Do we have illustrations of the Abbasid swords in Istanbul?

All the best,
Jim

Michael Blalock 20th June 2011 08:36 PM

5 Attachment(s)
Here was an odd looking one. It looks like someone cut is short and ran over it with a wire brush. It's a shame; it was interesting with the mysterious three holes.

http://www.tennants.co.uk/Catalogue/Lots/91917.aspx

Ibrahiim al Balooshi 21st June 2011 05:25 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by Michael Blalock
Here was an odd looking one. It looks like someone cut is short and ran over it with a wire brush. It's a shame; it was interesting with the mysterious three holes.

http://www.tennants.co.uk/Catalogue/Lots/91917.aspx


Salaams... Nice but what a pity! Its half a very rare sword. ( 8thC. AD.)

Ive seen dots on these before(one and three mostly in about the same place as yours though occassionally centre blade) and attribute this to the fact that the sword from which it was copied was the Abbasid which itself had a dot on the blade. Now at the Topkapi this Abbasid can be compared to your Omani Short Battle Sword in 11 categories... The hilt being modified but equally based on two sections; the three rivet holes with the top one thought to be for a wristband. Often the handgrip is tubular or octagonal reflecting perhaps the minarette shape or more exactly the shape of the Abbasid octagonal hilt. Great picture ! Regards Ibrahiim. I have also reffered to your Wallace Museum style sword which I believe is the old Omani Long Kattara in its exported mode then revamped as a hybrid in about the 18 th C... and I also thank you for igniting the idea about these weapons with your picture from the Yemen Military Museum and Riyadh Souk...When you sent those pictures I had just been in Muscat puzzling over such a sword and wondering whether I should take it...I went back last week and took two and an old Omani Battle Sword now being upgraded to Badge of Office standard... These are, I believe, original style Omani Long Kattara for which I am about to defend the theory of ... through this very interesting exchange with Jim. :shrug:

Regards Ibrahiim al Balooshi ~

ps I will keep an eye open for a spare 8th century blade !

Ibrahiim al Balooshi 21st June 2011 05:36 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by Jim McDougall
Hi Ibrahiim,
In looking at these four hilts, it is difficult to determine at this point whether these are regional variations, or whether there is a transitional development shown at this point. I am under the impression that the examples we are now calling the 'short battle swords' with the downturned 'winged' type guard are most likely to have existed from quite early times in the Dhakiliyya, where they are believed to have evolved from early Abbasid swords and with that plausibly existed as a type from as early as the 8th century.

With the conservativism and relative isolation of the Ibadi Sect in these interior regions these earlier type hilts in the kattara continued traditionally.These then became concurrent with a longer bladed type kattara which reflects certain elements of the hilt form of this older form with the cylindrical grip and minaret type pommel, and was guardless. A similar cuff covers the root of the blade of both types of kattara.

It remains unclear whether these long bladed hybrid type kattaras, which are essentially the same as the the square pommeled form which we consider associated with the dynamic trade regions of the coast in Muscat and other points of the Sultanate including Zanzibar, were in use in the interior regions by the Ibadi contemporararily with the traditional battle swords or not.

Robert Elgood ("Arms and Armour of Arabia", 1994, p.16) cites the 1821 narrative of James Fraser, who visited the Omani garrison at Ormuz and claimed the broadswords used by them resembled the Scottish broadsword blade, and that some of these were made in Yemen. I believe that he meant that they 'came' from Yemen, where they were probably mounted. The example posted by Michael Blalock in 2010 (and resembling the Wallace example) has a scabbard similar to the silver banded mounts known to have been from Yemen (Elgood p.15, noting C. Buttin's attribution) and that many of these had 17th century blades. These were likely of course German, and of the type of broadsword blades seen on Scottish swords as noted (Fraser), as most Scottish blades were German.

It would seem that many of these broadsword blades were German, and of the 17th and 18th centuries, and they were likely remounted numerous times during thier working lives as are most of the ethnographic swords. It would seem that the newer style hilts would be used, and perhaps these 'hybrids' are an amalgam of old form but with revised guard, or indeed transitional. The curved blades, though occasionally appearing in Omani kattara hilts, are it seems mostly 19th century.

It will be difficult to prove the 8th century origin on the hilt style of these early kattara now believed to be primarily of the interior regions until there is more proof. However, these do appear to be much earlier than the 17th-18th century date presumed by the blades found in many of them. Elgood (p.18, footnote #36) notes that one of these earlier hilts of bronze was sold at Sothebys (Islamic sale, 24 April, 1991, lot #1113) which was described as 12th-14th century. Though that attribution is not strongly supported, it is not necessarily disputed either.

As always, looking forward to continuing research and discussion. Do we have illustrations of the Abbasid swords in Istanbul?

All the best,
Jim

Salaams Jim~ This is a very thought provoking reply ! May I reconstruct the reply I concocted last evening(which disappeared when I pressed send!!) into a far simpler form of essentially 4 statements of fact ~ One for each sword so that people dont get confused ? I will also add a comprehensive brief as a footnote defending the Funun and to some extent the apparent religious rhetoric built around my arguement. I will also place the references at the end. I expect that composition will take an hour or two...

Regards Ibrahiim al Balooshi.

Jim McDougall 21st June 2011 06:08 PM

Thank you so much for posting this example Michael, and I join Ibrahiim in thanking you for the great photos of the swords in Yemen and Riyadh which have been integral to our discussions here. This example does seem to have had the blade cut down and reprofiled tip which seem uncharacteristically pointed.

The triple dots inlaid near the forte on this are a feature seen regularly, not necessarily commonly, on many Hadhramauti and Yemeni edged weapons. I have seen these in paired configuration on either side of center ridge on Hahramaut janbiyya, and on the blades on a number of swords. It would seem this is an apotropaic device, however similar applications of these triple dots are seen on blades in India and elsewhere in various blade locations, and it is unclear what the exact purpose or meaning might be in different cultural spheres.

Ibrahiim, is it possible we might get an illustration of the Abbasid sword in Topkapi that we might use as a visual benchmark for our discussion? Also you mention that the Abbasid sword has a single dot in the blade. Is it gold metal filled or iron, and what blade location?

It does seem that yellow metal plugs were used in similar manner in antiquity as noted from an al Kindi reference in "The Sword in Anglo Saxon England" (H.R.Ellis-Davidson , 1962. p.115) which was translated in 1936 by A.Zeki Velidi:
"...upon completion of blade treatment, some blades were marked in the upper part with moons or crosses of bronze or gold, and sometimes a nail of bronze or gold is hammered into a hole in the blade".

While this suggests that the substance of the metal plug or nail serves in some sense as an apotropaic or element of power, it is unclear what exact meaning was, and why this may have evolved into the triple dot configuration.

In a discussion some years ago as we examined metal filled holes in blades, Lee Jones offered a most plausible suggestion for some of the configurations located where earlier blade fixtures may have been secured, and that perhaps these were left clearly apparant to suggest the vintage and integrity of a heirloom blade. It must be remembered that blades were remounted often many times in thier working lives, and that these old blades were highly revered. Thus rather than being perceived as 'old blades' these may have been considered imbued with the power of the owner's ancestors. Trophy blades were of course very much likely viewed in the same manner.

Regarding the possible apotropaic application once again, it is interesting to note that in many cases among the swords of the Tuareg, the blade is pierced just above the point and the hole filled by a copper plug ("European Blades in Tuareg Swords and Daggers" Lloyd Cabot Briggs, JAAS, Vol.V, #2, 1965, p.80). This may have been an influence from the European sword blades entering the Sahara, or equally from Arab traders from the east, or perhaps an element of the Tuaregs own folk religion and superstitions toward iron and evil etc. Whatever the case, the use of metal filled holes in seemingly strategic configurations is these various examples may offer clues in our further examinations of these swords.

All best regards,
Jim

Ibrahiim al Balooshi 21st June 2011 09:08 PM

Omani Swords ; Origins.
 
Salaams Jim~ Yours is a very thought provoking reply ! I still need to address the question of the Hormus Omanis referring to Yemen in my next post if I may and I see some other interesting notes by you on Michael Blalocks half sword which I would like to add notes.... and reitterate my theory on dots on blades being related to the Abbasid which are shown on the website ...Topkapi Museum at the very end of my letter.

May I reconstruct my reply that I concocted last evening(which disappeared when I pressed send!!) into a far simpler form of essentially 4 statements of fact ~ One for each sword so that people dont get confused. I will colour them in red if I may?. I will also add a comprehensive brief as a footnote defending the Funun and to some extent perhaps the apparent religious "facts" and understandably the fable inherent in most peoples idea of "folklore" built around my argument. I will also place the references at the end.



For clarity and simplicity I rearrange my theory into 4 paragraph statements of considered fact based on my evidence so far upon the provenance of essentially 2 original sword systems and 2 developmental branches viz;

1. The Omani Short Battle Sword and
2. The Old Omani Long Kattara and Terrs. and the spin off of two other swords namely;
3. The modern Omani Long Kattara and
4. The Wallace Collection Sword.

1. The Omani Short Battle Sword;
(Turned down Quillons, Islamic shaped pommel, octagonal hilt etc)

"The Omani Short Battle Sword came into being between late 7thC and not later than 751 AD having been copied from the Abbasid sword then in use against Omanis in Oman by the Abbasid Garrison from Iraq"

2. The Omani Long Kattara and Terrs;
(Long, flexible, spatula round tipped sword with buckler shield. Hilt as per the above No 1. except "stretched" and with quillons worked forward into the cuff. The Old Omani Long Kattara appears to be a traditional blade to which the same honorific hilt as at 1. above is fitted in a noticeably stretched style) .

''This Old Omani Long Kattara was introduced at the beginning of Ibadi Islam not later than 751AD i.e. at the same time as the Short Omani Battle Sword''


3. The Modern Omani Long Kattara;
(Long flexible usually European replacement blade with pommel tang and blade as one piece on a conical flat hilt).


"This is the updated 17th C to 19th C rehilted on a new style blade, therefore, A totally restyled modern version of the old sword at 2.
The Shield, (Terrs) however, never changed".



4 . The Wallace Collection Sword;
(Iconic badge of Office VIP Dress Sword on long carry scabbard with magnificent furniture and silver Hilt with a European Blade etc. No apparent Shield).

"This is the restyled, exported, frozen old Omani Long Kattara awakened and brought up to Iconic, Badge of Office status for a dignitary or VIP. Likely provenance Yemen between the 17th and 19th Century A.D".


Notes. In supporting my general theory I rely heavily upon doctrine not usually researched i.e. The traditional music, dance and poetry of Oman and secondly the normally seldom used aspect of religion; in this case Ibadi Islam.

There are distinct and vital reasons why this approach must please be viewed with a different perspective: In the West reliance upon folklore as fact or upon religion which is normally alegorical is seldom if ever used. In Oman however these are solid references because the folklore I have researched is sacrosanct and totally not based upon fable like for example in the West say the story occasionally re-enacted on pantomime "George and the Dragon". In Oman Folklore has been enacted strictly from the "get go" of Ibadi Islam as a method of passing down "the way of life in the past"… Like for example the ancient loading of a Dhow where participants mimic the loading of heavy stores and chests onto a make believe but real ( in terms of passing down the way of life) ship swaying and moving to drum beat. There is no mythology in this structure. It is a reflection of daily life. The Funun is just the method of "Transmission".

Islamic (and I do not want to get into a religious discussion) conceptual theology, does not, as in other religions promote the use of fable or alegory, moreover, it tends to be very factual… In the case of its historical support documentation it is absolutely clear upon dates and characters therefore we have at the outset of this religion a set of practices that could only be complete at the time the first Imam was elected…and a precise date.

Julanda Ibn Massoud was elected as the first Imam in 751 therefor by that time all the whistles, bells and fine details such as celebratory administration and scholistic theory etc of Ibadi Islam were intact and operational including the Eid celebrations and fasting and all. As were the celebratory folkloric traditions; "The Funun".

The Funun; The early genre folklore volumes of work also contains the Razha. The Razha is the ancient sword dance with the Old Long Kattara and Buckler Shield(Terrs). It is in 2 parts . One is a celebratory parade with shimmering swords and participants leaping in the air and throwing and catching of swords... the blades humming and oscillating by the rapid wrist action of the swordholders etc. and without Terrs. The other is a mimic fight …All set to the drum beat this has become like a martial art but its technically the passing down of that part of their way of life ... War !
These pageants are reenacted twice a year to celbrate each Eid and at weddings and other meetings of dignatories and international guests e.g. at celebrations and National Day etc ... as they have mostly always been done since the beginning of Ibadi Islam. As the seat of Ibadi Islam, Nizwa, has always retained these "Funun" traditions.

Since the Old Omani Long Kattara is therefore on the scene in 751 A.D. in the Funun dances we can safely assume that the Short Omani Battle Sword was in the arena at about the same period and by annalysing a previous leaders history a likely scenario appears ~ Via Jabr Ibn Zayd.

He was a Nizwa man. Not only was Nizwa the place Oman received the letter asking it to join Islam which it agreed to do … but it was also to become the seat the centre and the Capital of both Ibadi Islam and of the Interior and during later struggles down the centuries against Coastal Oman as a country often split in half and at war with itself rather like "The War Of the Roses". Thus Nizwa is important since from here swords would have been traded to neighboring countries and the nearest were by regular camel train to what is now Saudia and Yemen. Hardly surprising then that swords turn up in Riyadh Souk and in Yemeni Museums bearing a striking resemblance to Omani Kattara but with weird old hilt forms. Perhaps more odd is the appearance of an Iconic looking Wallace Collection Dress Sword.

Having been in Iraq for many years Jabr Ibn Zayd would have been ideally placed to view the technology of the Abbasid swords. He returned to Oman destined and determined to lead his country against the Abbasid invaders garrisoned there and who were punitive, being against the advance and accepting of Ibadi Islam. He was a fighter and a leader and achieved his ambition eventually, however, he died in 711 AD . I believe that by then the idea of the celebratory hilt upon the Omani Short Battle Sword and indeed upon the Old Omani Long Kattara were sealed, however, it is the latter date of 751 AD which I believe is more acceptable as the date of inauguration of the first Immam. To bridge the possible problem however I have stated a date not later than 751 A.D. "for both weapons." Even taking the date of Islam entering Oman as 630 AD as the date before which that pair of weapons could not have appeared, the bracket is still quite a narrow one, moreover, it is based upon irrefutable "folklore" and "religious" fact.

In some cases hearsay, guesswork or mis-aligned data have confused an already clouded history. Many of the later dates have been in a wide range from the 10th to the 19th Century and attempts to tag the system to African, Baluch, Portuguese, Spanish and other regions when in fact they are Omani (hilts). In some cases the guesswork is time barred by as much as 500 years and even more as I have seen one reference in a Museum to the 19th Century! on an ancient Omani "Excalibur" equivalent from 751 AD !! All these guesstimates failed at the outset to follow one simple idea... that to solve the crime you need a motive.. An Islamic sword can hardly have evolved from the Portuguese in the 16th Century since the Portuguese regularly slaughtered Omanis and the time scale is wildly out or from a Persian sword since Oman adopted Islam before them and anyway theirs is the wrong sect..The Nasrid sword is too late by 500 plus years and separated by thousands of miles of mountains, sea and desert and is altogether unrelated.

Nasrid, Portuguese, Baluch, African, Indian, Persian. No. It is time to set the record straight. These are Omani and in the case of the Long blade it could and probably does predate Islam but ~ I respectfully submit that;

"The Old Hilted Long and Short weapons are both Omani from not later than 751 A.D.".

Regards,

Ibrahiim al Balooshi.

Note on Omani Short Battle Sword; It was introduced by Jabr Ibn Zayd who had been in Iraq and had returned to Oman to lead the nation against the Abbasid Garrisons. He died in 711 however 751 A.D marked the date of the first elected Imam thus giving the clue to this swords approximate operational birth. This Imam was called Julanda Ibn Massoud and ironically he was killed fighting against the Abbasid a year later. It is a copy of the Abbasid sword with the addition of an Ibadi Islamic Hilt.
This is a close in fighting system however as yet no shield has been identified though its operation was likely to have been the same as the Roman Gladius. having been copied from the Abbasid sword then in use against Omanis by the Abbasid Garrison. (The hilt change is honorific extolling the new Islamic sect of Ibadism.)

Note on Old Omani Long Kattara; (At various times in the history of Oman this sword was exported to neighboring countries in what is now Yemen and Saudia Arabia probably from Nizwa. Once in place in its new abode this sword froze only to be awoken by two events ~ refitting with European trade blades between the 17th and 19 th centuries and 2. Iconic revival in what is now the style seen in the Wallace Collection and discussed here.)

References; A The entire forum debate so far, B Topkapi Museum Abbasid Swords, C Ingrams Visier to the Zanzibar Court Chronicles 1931. D Islamic Arms by Antony North (V and A Museum), E.Sword in the Military Museum in Yemen photographed by Forums Michael Blalock, and F The Wallace Collection Sword,
As a bulk sized reference the following all together as Reference G; Al Ain Museum Old Omani Battle Sword, Kuwait Tariq Rajeb Museum Old Omani Battle Sword, Zuhair Museum Muscat Old Omani Battle Swords and Kattara, My own collections and those of clients numbering more than 30 such weapons.

Topkapi Reference:Web ~
Topkapi Abbasid Swords; Type into search Abbasid Swords Topkapi.
Medieval Swords and Helmets from Topkapi Museum - STLCC.edu
Medieval Swords and Weapons in the Topkapi Museum, Istanbul (Part 2). Two swords dated to the Abbasid Period (ca. 9th century). ...
users.stlcc.edu/mfuller/turk/TopkapiArms2.html - United States - Cached

Ibrahiim al Balooshi 22nd June 2011 06:36 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by Jim McDougall
Hi Ibrahiim,
In looking at these four hilts, it is difficult to determine at this point whether these are regional variations, or whether there is a transitional development shown at this point. I am under the impression that the examples we are now calling the 'short battle swords' with the downturned 'winged' type guard are most likely to have existed from quite early times in the Dhakiliyya, where they are believed to have evolved from early Abbasid swords and with that plausibly existed as a type from as early as the 8th century.

With the conservativism and relative isolation of the Ibadi Sect in these interior regions these earlier type hilts in the kattara continued traditionally.These then became concurrent with a longer bladed type kattara which reflects certain elements of the hilt form of this older form with the cylindrical grip and minaret type pommel, and was guardless. A similar cuff covers the root of the blade of both types of kattara.

It remains unclear whether these long bladed hybrid type kattaras, which are essentially the same as the the square pommeled form which we consider associated with the dynamic trade regions of the coast in Muscat and other points of the Sultanate including Zanzibar, were in use in the interior regions by the Ibadi contemporararily with the traditional battle swords or not.

Robert Elgood ("Arms and Armour of Arabia", 1994, p.16) cites the 1821 narrative of James Fraser, who visited the Omani garrison at Ormuz and claimed the broadswords used by them resembled the Scottish broadsword blade, and that some of these were made in Yemen. I believe that he meant that they 'came' from Yemen, where they were probably mounted. The example posted by Michael Blalock in 2010 (and resembling the Wallace example) has a scabbard similar to the silver banded mounts known to have been from Yemen (Elgood p.15, noting C. Buttin's attribution) and that many of these had 17th century blades. These were likely of course German, and of the type of broadsword blades seen on Scottish swords as noted (Fraser), as most Scottish blades were German.

It would seem that many of these broadsword blades were German, and of the 17th and 18th centuries, and they were likely remounted numerous times during thier working lives as are most of the ethnographic swords. It would seem that the newer style hilts would be used, and perhaps these 'hybrids' are an amalgam of old form but with revised guard, or indeed transitional. The curved blades, though occasionally appearing in Omani kattara hilts, are it seems mostly 19th century.

It will be difficult to prove the 8th century origin on the hilt style of these early kattara now believed to be primarily of the interior regions until there is more proof. However, these do appear to be much earlier than the 17th-18th century date presumed by the blades found in many of them. Elgood (p.18, footnote #36) notes that one of these earlier hilts of bronze was sold at Sothebys (Islamic sale, 24 April, 1991, lot #1113) which was described as 12th-14th century. Though that attribution is not strongly supported, it is not necessarily disputed either.

As always, looking forward to continuing research and discussion. Do we have illustrations of the Abbasid swords in Istanbul?

All the best,
Jim

Salaams, Jim. Interesting account on Quote Robert Elgood ("Arms and Armour of Arabia", 1994, p.16) cites the 1821 narrative of James Fraser, who visited the Omani garrison at Ormuz and claimed the broadswords used by them resembled the Scottish broadsword blade, and that some of these were made in Yemen.
I note the use of words "some" and "Yemen" ~ "Some" of their swords were from Yemen which means they probably had a mixture of short and long weapons.. The long blades by and before 1821 coming in as trade blades into "Yemen" ... Yemen in this context doesn't necessarily mean Yemen alone since it was common practice to refer to the entire region of Yemen and the Horn Of Africa as "Yemen". In fact many old charts and maps of that region have the Horn of Africa thus marked... "Yemen". It is not stretching it too far to assume the whole enclave included Zanzibar also... This would bring 3 huge trade operators into the region ie Dutch French and British East Indies Companies and others plying trade to the region via that hub.

What I find interesting about the trade blade is its one piece tang pommel and blade. This necessitates essentially getting rid of the Old Omani Kattara and replacing it completely with a new sword to which a simple handle was fitted embroidered with leather and silver etc... Whats more the Islamic shaped Pommel on the old sword is replaced with a square or rectrangular one however on closer inspection the Islamic pommel goes but the handle is Islamic arch shaped as a flat conical shape... but distinctly Islamic in nature. In addition the cuff is lost along with remnants of the folded quillons... or is it? Not exactly since the cuff on the Old Omani Kattara is quite long but only about half of it protrudes along the blade and the other half is contained by the handle construction ~ So in the "New" Omani Kattara half the cuff is still there and the islamic arch is also present..Interesting?

Jim McDougall 23rd June 2011 04:53 PM

Hello Ibrahiim,
Thank you for reiterating some of the details we are discussing, and if I may clarify something as well for the benefit of those reading. This is not actually a debate as I perceive, but intended to be a constructive fact finding mission to discuss the plausibility of the ancestry of both swords we now have agreed to term the short battle kattara and the 'long' kattara to the mid 8th century.

Actually there is no reason to think that the Omani battle kattara of the shorter version did not exist in Oman in the 8th century, and that it was likely similar to those used by the Abbasids, which in turn were in the form of those of the Umayyads. The primary issue seems to be in determining the antiquity of the long kattara, which we are hoping to place concurrently present with the shorter version.

I spent some time going through "Islamic Swords and Swordsmiths" by the late Unsal Yucel (Istanbul, 2001, p.54), and he notes "...we may infer that the blades of the earliest Islamic swords were probably similar to the Umayyad and Abbasid swords in that they must also have been straight, double edged, blunt ended and without grooves". With this he is emphasizing that these were intended for chopping and slashing type cuts, and not for thrusting. There is unfortunately no mention of blade length nor variation of it. If I understand correctly, the longer version blades are to be considered with respect to the concept of the Razha in this period in Oman, so would not have been mentioned in this broader description of these blades.
In my opinion, the addition of grooves (fullers) was in these times the exception, as seems inferred here, and I would note that the name of the sword which became famed as one of the Prophet Muhammed's, and more so as that of the Imam Ali (whom he had presented it to) was Dhu al Fiqar. The interpretation of the name of this sword has been long debated and typically thought to mean having two points, however, it is now generally held that the wording means 'possessor of spines'...that is apparantly having two fullers in the blade.

Yucel discusses as well on p.54 that, "...unfortunately since virtually nothing is known of Umayyad and Abbasid hilts, quillon blocks and scabbards, it is not possible to make any deductions about the relationship between the fittings of the earliest Islamic swords and those of the Umayyad/Abbasid period".

Mr. Yucel, who served as head of the armoury section at the Topkapi Palace Museum , notes the work of Hans Stocklein who he states was the first scholar to study the Topkapi Museum collections ("Die Waffenschatze im Topkapu Sanayi Muzesi zu Istanbul ein Vorlanger Bericht" in Ars Islamica I, 1934, pp. 200-18). Yucel's text continues in discussing that the weapons in these collections have been mostly remounted and refurbished after being removed from Mamluk Egypt to Istanbul after its Ottoman conquest in 1453 and the Byzantine church of Hagia Eirene was converted into an arsenal.
While these modifications of course, in no way reduce the reverence and respect afforded these weapons, it does have effect on using them in determining the appearance they would have had in original context in the periods and attributions noted. Basically however, Yucel states that the blade attributions would be presumably as stated, despite modifications to dress in the later period.

This brings us to the question of the contemporary presence of both long and short blades in Oman in the 8th century. As noted, it seems that these blades were intended for chopping and slashing cuts, and of course, the shorter versions would have been for infantry style combat, particularly close quarters melee.
From what I have seen so far in reading, infantry were the primary forces in the warfare of these times in the 8th century in these armies. This would have been determinate in the type of swords used, and as the long blades would have been for cavalry or mounted combat, there would have been very small numbers it would seem of these long blades.
It seems that unclear Oman, had some sword blade producing, with some degree of export by caravan,but it does not seem that the limited number of long blades would have been sufficient for such export. In much more modern times,as noted, the term Yemen was broadly applied it would seem to refer to a realm more than a strategic geographic region, and as such it would be difficult to determine from early narratives, exactly which area swords and blades coming from Yemen might have been actually from. By the 19th century however, the long blades were already in place as previously discussed, and trade blade traffic was profoundly in place, especially in San'aa and with the British in Aden.

In looking into references in Yucel, I was also amazed that I had apparantly missed so much attention to the presence of gold filled holes in many of these blades, including of course those believed to be Umayyad and Abbasid. Apparantly, according to Yucel, these occur in numbers of one to seven dots, and often are placed strategically next to inscriptions or devotional passages as seen in a number of the plates. He claims these gold dots are to give the swordsman good luck, which is of course a simplified reference to the much more complex talismanic applications which may be present.
I would note that many of these swords were from Mamluk provenance before entering the Ottoman armouries, which may explain the presence of this affectation found on some swords in North African sphere, using usually copper filled holes. The placing of these often near the blade tip is in the same fashion seen on many of the blades in Topkapi, though they are often but one of numerous other dots on the blade.

The carrying of this interesting affectation through over a thousand years in these sword blades certainly hints at more powerful meanings than simply a good luck charm. It should be noted that as mentioned earlier, a gold nail was often hammered into Frankish blades in early times, actually around the time of the Abbasids, and that Frankish blades were indeed imported into the Dar al Islam. At this point a direct connection cannot be supported, but here it seemed worthy of note. Often the gold inlay, rather than a nail, was a cross or moon, and perhaps other devices. By later medieval times, the gold was replaced by latten (copper or brass) still gold colored metal, so the same symbolic effect was still rendered.


I hope these results from my foray into these references will be helpful as we consider more on continuing research into this fascinating topic.

All the very best,
Jim

Ibrahiim al Balooshi 24th June 2011 08:47 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by Jim McDougall
Hello Ibrahiim,
Thank you for reiterating some of the details we are discussing, and if I may clarify something as well for the benefit of those reading. This is not actually a debate as I perceive, but intended to be a constructive fact finding mission to discuss the plausibility of the ancestry of both swords we now have agreed to term the short battle kattara and the 'long' kattara to the mid 8th century.

Actually there is no reason to think that the Omani battle kattara of the shorter version did not exist in Oman in the 8th century, and that it was likely similar to those used by the Abbasids, which in turn were in the form of those of the Umayyads. The primary issue seems to be in determining the antiquity of the long kattara, which we are hoping to place concurrently present with the shorter version.

I spent some time going through "Islamic Swords and Swordsmiths" by the late Unsal Yucel (Istanbul, 2001, p.54), and he notes "...we may infer that the blades of the earliest Islamic swords were probably similar to the Umayyad and Abbasid swords in that they must also have been straight, double edged, blunt ended and without grooves". With this he is emphasizing that these were intended for chopping and slashing type cuts, and not for thrusting. There is unfortunately no mention of blade length nor variation of it. If I understand correctly, the longer version blades are to be considered with respect to the concept of the Razha in this period in Oman, so would not have been mentioned in this broader description of these blades.
In my opinion, the addition of grooves (fullers) was in these times the exception, as seems inferred here, and I would note that the name of the sword which became famed as one of the Prophet Muhammed's, and more so as that of the Imam Ali (whom he had presented it to) was Dhu al Fiqar. The interpretation of the name of this sword has been long debated and typically thought to mean having two points, however, it is now generally held that the wording means 'possessor of spines'...that is apparantly having two fullers in the blade.

Yucel discusses as well on p.54 that, "...unfortunately since virtually nothing is known of Umayyad and Abbasid hilts, quillon blocks and scabbards, it is not possible to make any deductions about the relationship between the fittings of the earliest Islamic swords and those of the Umayyad/Abbasid period".

Mr. Yucel, who served as head of the armoury section at the Topkapi Palace Museum , notes the work of Hans Stocklein who he states was the first scholar to study the Topkapi Museum collections ("Die Waffenschatze im Topkapu Sanayi Muzesi zu Istanbul ein Vorlanger Bericht" in Ars Islamica I, 1934, pp. 200-18). Yucel's text continues in discussing that the weapons in these collections have been mostly remounted and refurbished after being removed from Mamluk Egypt to Istanbul after its Ottoman conquest in 1453 and the Byzantine church of Hagia Eirene was converted into an arsenal.
While these modifications of course, in no way reduce the reverence and respect afforded these weapons, it does have effect on using them in determining the appearance they would have had in original context in the periods and attributions noted. Basically however, Yucel states that the blade attributions would be presumably as stated, despite modifications to dress in the later period.

This brings us to the question of the contemporary presence of both long and short blades in Oman in the 8th century. As noted, it seems that these blades were intended for chopping and slashing cuts, and of course, the shorter versions would have been for infantry style combat, particularly close quarters melee.
From what I have seen so far in reading, infantry were the primary forces in the warfare of these times in the 8th century in these armies. This would have been determinate in the type of swords used, and as the long blades would have been for cavalry or mounted combat, there would have been very small numbers it would seem of these long blades.
It seems that unclear Oman, had some sword blade producing, with some degree of export by caravan,but it does not seem that the limited number of long blades would have been sufficient for such export. In much more modern times,as noted, the term Yemen was broadly applied it would seem to refer to a realm more than a strategic geographic region, and as such it would be difficult to determine from early narratives, exactly which area swords and blades coming from Yemen might have been actually from. By the 19th century however, the long blades were already in place as previously discussed, and trade blade traffic was profoundly in place, especially in San'aa and with the British in Aden.

In looking into references in Yucel, I was also amazed that I had apparantly missed so much attention to the presence of gold filled holes in many of these blades, including of course those believed to be Umayyad and Abbasid. Apparantly, according to Yucel, these occur in numbers of one to seven dots, and often are placed strategically next to inscriptions or devotional passages as seen in a number of the plates. He claims these gold dots are to give the swordsman good luck, which is of course a simplified reference to the much more complex talismanic applications which may be present.
I would note that many of these swords were from Mamluk provenance before entering the Ottoman armouries, which may explain the presence of this affectation found on some swords in North African sphere, using usually copper filled holes. The placing of these often near the blade tip is in the same fashion seen on many of the blades in Topkapi, though they are often but one of numerous other dots on the blade.

The carrying of this interesting affectation through over a thousand years in these sword blades certainly hints at more powerful meanings than simply a good luck charm. It should be noted that as mentioned earlier, a gold nail was often hammered into Frankish blades in early times, actually around the time of the Abbasids, and that Frankish blades were indeed imported into the Dar al Islam. At this point a direct connection cannot be supported, but here it seemed worthy of note. Often the gold inlay, rather than a nail, was a cross or moon, and perhaps other devices. By later medieval times, the gold was replaced by latten (copper or brass) still gold colored metal, so the same symbolic effect was still rendered.


I hope these results from my foray into these references will be helpful as we consider more on continuing research into this fascinating topic.

All the very best,
Jim

Salaams Jim,
I agree that this indeed is a double edged discussion being both a debate and a fact finder. Any emotive input on my behalf is entirely accidental though I blame the computer network for firing my other previous reply into outer space never to return! Your reply is much appreciated and it is fascinating to see information rolling out from your big gun references. The late Unsal Yucel was one of the great masters.

What is missing from research on these matters is the doctrine upon update to his work since it was done almost 80 years ago and since then artefacts have appeared and are in his museum in Istanbul. Notably examples of Abbasid Swords..It is one such sword that I have compared favourably to the Omani Short Battle Sword in 11 different categories. Two crucial comparisons are the octagonal handle and the dot on the blade but the other 9 are also important.

I believe however that we are in more or less agreement that the Omani Short Battle Sword is in the 8th Century ballpark and from my viewpoint 751AD is a reasonable assessment of where it fits in that century, for now, pending new evidence. I believe that "rests the case' on the Omani Short at this time although I also think the reference of the Topkapi Abbasids Swords needs viewing by your experienced eye..I am certain that, had the late Unsal Yucel (and therefor Hans Stocklein) seen these exhibits they would examined them and have included them but at the time these exhibits were not available. Therefore, respectfully, it is also requested that we may have uncovered gems of information relevant to updating their brilliant work.

In terms of Umayyid examples however we have no known exhibits in any museum I know of although it would not be incorrect to suppose their swords were forerunners to the Abbasid and linked to a sword style generally called the Sword Of The Prophet though the precise style (since I think there are possibly 9 such variants) is somewhat unclear but accepting the forked tip version as Dhu al Fiqar ~ presented to the first Imam "Ali" . The reference to spines is usually taken as the two spikes on the tip though may refer additionally or in conjunction to the two fullers ? What is I believe quite important in our debate is the sense of a sword being handed on as the "baton" in honour of a relgious form.

I have been considering every country and situation surrounding the Omani timeframe being discussed here and ruling out dynasties which fall outside the parameters before and after the critical dates. Generally most neighboring countries (except the Abbasid in Iraq because they had a punitive garrison in Oman) fail that stress test, however, one other does not quite rule itself out. It is plausible that when Oman accepted the letter of invitation to accept Islam in Nizwa(see notes below) that they could have been handed a sword as well ! Here is your religion and here is a sword that if required will reinforce it !! Not the sword of the prophet but something similar, either with a handle already fitted or ...fitted by the Omanis later. The sword hilt being generally honorific to "Islam central" rather than Omans later adoption specifically for the Ibadi sect.

So there is within our debate something of a conundrum.. either way one could argue that we are in the right aproximate timeframe of 630 AD to 751 AD(not later than) and thus a far more accurate aproximation than ever considered previously.

Just to clarify that point; Oman accepted Islam at Nizwa by letter in 630 AD however it was a while later within 100 years that they modified their religious style to the sect of Ibadi Islam. Did the Omanis adopt a sword and hilt at the very beginning i.e. 630AD or later but not later than 751 AD ? (The later date being the elected date of the First Imam; Jalunda ibn Masoud) Did the sword appear because of the general acceptance of Islam and the letter in 630 AD or with Jabr Ibn Zayd who brought the technology with him from Iraq later? He died in 711 AD.

Almost as a note in the margin; I need also to mention an aspect of viewing Islamic architectural references to hilt shape since at the time not many Islamic archways, domes or minaraettes had actually been built and it would be incorrect to wheel out for example 12th century examples when it demands a current (8th C) or earlier reference... Islamic Art by David Talbot Rice 1975 revised edition page 30 is a better dated example of Abbasid Islamic archway work in Iraq of the 8th C. and before and lends weight to my Abbasid theory.

Your reference to dots on blades is interesting and is well backed up by powerful reference to the Turkish Masters doctrine. I think that is a remarkable find. The talismanic effect is agreeable with all our findings and single or multiple dots are now fully understood. The Abbasid Sword in the Topkapi has a dot as does the Omani Short Battle Sword in a variety of configurations and I have seen single and triples in various blade positions.

The Old Omani Long Kattara. I attribute this to the same period since it has the same hilt and because it is in the Funun. The blade is probably earlier and could be generally an arabian style or related to other earlier swords. Im afraid I can dive no deeper on this search since my references and therefor my oxygen have somewhat run out, however, my original statement (in fact all 4 statements) at my previous letter still stands and support on this issue, as has been agreed on the Omani Short Battle Sword, is sought.



I think we agree thatThe Omani Short Battle Sword has a sharp point and a rigid two edged blade capable of chopping action and thrust "gladius action" blade strike around an as yet undefined but logically large shield. On the other hand the Old Omani Long Kattara had the slash and snick blade with a round point ideal for cuts and fast action around a buckler (Terrs) shield. Neither sword is for mounted cavalry. The Omani terrain rules cavalry out. I would imagine the ideal weapon for cavalry at that time was the long spear or lance. I see both swords more in the dismounted infantry role. I see no reason why the numbers of long swords would be any greater or smaller than the short, in fact, a good 50/50 mix would have been quite formidable. I have however no idea of the Omani "battle order format" and whether they had lots of cavalry or not, however, I agree they would have had more infantry but with both swords spread throughout... more or less in equal numbers in what could be imagined as light and heavy infantry.

In terms of your reference regarding export and sword production; metalworking was advanced in the Nizwa area and mining was done considerably in the Megan region and elsewhere..though I dont believe a lot of export occured before the appearance of European blades. Thereafter I can see how there would be a lot of redundant Old Omani Long Kartara since they were being superceded by Euro Blades totally replacing the old weapons which would then have been up for export in large numbers.

If this general theory is acceptable and therefore also regarding the Old Omani Long Kattara then the follow-on, including the transmission to neighboring regions and the transition to Iconic form and thus the sword in the Wallace Collection etc. are logical. The transfer of euro blades onto the scene from the 17th Century is ironic in that like the Scotish Claymores which are actually German!! ~ Omani Kattaras are European!! (at least in view of their recent manufacture) It is also a notable time since it triggered the replacement and consequently export of Old Omani Kattara to neighboring regions where it froze but "morphed" later into what is now the Wallace Collection sword..

Whilst by no means the end of the story I think we have a solid foundation of reasoned research to underwrite our findings so far and underpin all of my "4 basic statements". :shrug:


Regards,
Ibrahiim al Balooshi.

Notes on Oman; The Omanis were among the first people to embrace Islam.[18] The conversion of the Omanis is usually ascribed to Amr ibn al-As, who was sent by Muhammad around 630 AD to invite Jayfar and 'Abd, the joint rulers of Oman at that time, to accept the faith. In accepting Islam, Oman became an Ibadhi state, ruled by an elected leader, the Imam. During the early years of the Islamic mission, Oman played a major role in the Wars of Apostasy that occurred after the death of Muhammad, and also took part in the great Islamic conquests by land and sea in Iraq, Persia and beyond. Oman's most prominent role in this respect was through its extensive trading and seafaring activities in East Africa and the Far East, particularly during the 19th century, when it propagated Islam to many of East Africa's coastal regions, certain areas of Central Africa, India, Southeast Asia and China.

After its conversion to Islam, Oman was ruled by Umayyads between 661–750, Abbasids between 750–931, 932–933 and 934–967, Qarmatians between 931–932 and 933–934, Buyids between 967–1053, and the Seljuks of Kirman between 1053–1154.

By Ibrahiim ~ The dates are important because it is the brackets around the Abbasid period which are relevant since this is the Ibadi transitional period covering that sects adoption in Oman, leadership by Jabr Ibn Zayd and the fight with the Abbasid. 630 to 751 being key date parameters.

References:
A. Islamic Art by David Talbot Rice 1975 revised edition page page 30.
B. Topkapi Museum Abbasid Sword examples as at previous letter and viewable at website (search Topkapi Museum Abbasid Swords for pictures etc).

A.alnakkas 24th June 2011 10:25 PM

Slightly off topic but are all Kattara have a flexible blade?

Ibrahiim al Balooshi 24th June 2011 11:10 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by A.alnakkas
Slightly off topic but are all Kattara have a flexible blade?

Salaams,
So it seems. As a caution however please note that Omanis also call the Omani Short Battle Sword Kattara as well... so in that case no. In the Long .. yes.

Ibrahiim al Balooshi.

Ibrahiim al Balooshi 27th June 2011 08:09 AM

I would like to add two fine references to our work so far and as direct take offs from the web other Forum users may be interested to view these...

1.PISANELLO’S HAT.
THE COSTUME AND WEAPONS DEPICTED
IN PISANELLO’S MEDAL FOR JOHN VIII PALAEOLOGUS.
A DISCUSSION OF THE SABER AND RELATED WEAPONS.

and another

2.SWORDS AND SABERS DURING THE EARLY ISLAMIC PERIOD.

What is quite refreshing is that though we (certainly not I) did not have access earlier to these references that in retrospect they support our theory.

The question of Sword of the Prophet is clearly a complex one. D. Alexander variously tends to sideline the entire subject very cleverly by suggesting that dates may be false on some or more or less avoids the issue leaving in my mind "a view" that many of these weapons were either spoils of war or gifts to the family of the Prophet and to their vast armoury. (The Yemen it is known, gave many swords on this basis). A lot of them were later modified and decorated in gold etc. In my view and largely after his death the Prophets legacy inspired extensive socio / political spin doctoring and the Sword of The Prophet in whatever form may have been a vehicle for much of that. Indeed the bifurcated sword also adorned many battle banners centuries after and the banners themselves were split designs mirroring the two pointed or two spined weapon. On the crusades one european commentator got it wrong (understandably) when he related to the battle ensign shape as a pair of trousers on a pole! The bifurcated weapon thereby appears as part of an index or structure of Islamic Heraldic symbols and whereas all Heraldic symbolism is usually confined to shields the sword and sword hilt in particular regarding the Omani duo of weapons discussed certainly queu up for that sort of recognition.

Like D. Alexander I think we can boil down a deduction that the Islamic and much favoured double edged broadsword was a key component in what we have been discussing.

The fact that a sword was given to Ali by the Prophet illustrates an important factor when we consider the honorific status(to Ibadi Islam) we have discussed on the Omani Short and Old Omani Long Kattara in respect of their specially shaped Hilts.

One perplexing reference appears in the second reference to a master sword maker in Basra called "Zayd" in the correct time frame! ( I wish that this could be the same Zayd (Jabr Ibn Zayd) that returned to lead Oman against the Abbasids but as yet I have zero proof of this strange co incidence in names.) (Kufa is in Iraq) (Basura is of course Basra) viz;

~ Al-Kindi mentions a smith named Zayd, working in Kufa, and comments that one of the important types made in Kufa was the baid (white). He also noted that Basùra was an important center of production, swords produced there seem to have been renowned for the strength of their steel.~

Regards,
Ibrahiim al Balooshi.

Ibrahiim al Balooshi 27th June 2011 03:45 PM

Omani Swords ; Origins.
 
Salaams Jim,
I start this letter with a simple phrase "The demolition of my own theory" and for that reason I place my 4 statements on a pedestal so that they can be seen to be knocked down where required viz;

1. "The Omani Short Battle Sword came into being between late 7thC and not later than 751 AD having been copied from the Abbasid sword then in use against Omanis in Oman by the Abbasid Garrison from Iraq"

2. ''The Old Omani Long Kattara was introduced at the beginning of Ibadi Islam not later than 751AD i.e. at the same time as the Short Omani Battle Sword''

3. The Modern Omani Long Kattara; (Long flexible usually European replacement blade with pommel tang and blade as one piece on a conical flat hilt). "This is the updated 17th C to 19th C rehilted on a new style blade, therefore, a totally restyled modern version of the old sword at 2.
The Shield, (Terrs) however, never changed".

4 . The Wallace Collection Sword; (Iconic badge of Office VIP Dress Sword on long carry scabbard with magnificent furniture and silver Hilt with a European Blade etc. No apparent Shield). "This is the restyled, exported, frozen old Omani Long Kattara awakened and brought up to Iconic, Badge of Office status for a dignitary or VIP. Likely provenance Yemen between the 17th and 19th Century A.D".

You will be delighted to hear that statement 1 stands and another is modified. The rest are about to fall; What struck me was that;

1. No example of an old Omani Long Kattara exists in any museum or collection neither complete ?
2. In blade only form?
3. Nor hilt only form?
4. In addition I could never find a shield to go with the Old Omani Battle Sword?
5. I could not fathom out why an Ibadi based religious country would export an Ibadi blade and or hilt to a non Ibadi country?
6. In that case why would the receiving country Iconize a religious blade not of their faith?
7. Why do Omani people call both the Short and Long; Kattara?

In researching David Alexander and David Nichol I discovered that the long cuff sword which looks like a stretched Omani Short Battle Sword is in fact Mamluke. That doesn't rule out a link altogether since Mamluke and Abbasid were very similar styles but it begins to deepen the dent and I believe the Wallace Collection Sword to be from that provenance ( geographically its only a short Red Sea trip from Mamluke Egypt to Saudia and Yemen so it fits the scenario whilst my link I believe disolves on motive, religion and just cause. I therefor withdraw statement 4.

Omani Long Kattara. This sword never existed before the 17th Century! Well it did... as the Omani Short Battle Sword !! It was simply superceded. We have been chasing a non existant weapon which explains why we could not find an original blade or hilt. Statement 2 is withdrawn

The Old Omani Short Battle Sword is the sword in the Funun and is a few inches shorter than when it started life but the wingshaped heavier blade (technically they didnt have the expertise to fuller this weapon) took a long time to replace. It was used with the Terrs shield in battle and in celebration of the Ibadi sect. In about the 17th Century it began to be superceded with the Long Kattara, from Euro trade blades. The Omanis simply switched the Terrs. The new sword was a more flexible blade and much lighter and enabled a more vigourous dance routine. Statement 1. stands and statement 3 is modified as "This is the updated 17th C to 19th C sword using new style european blade and adopting the Terrs Shield and eventually superceded the Old Omani Battle Sword. :shrug:

It was not for nothing that both swords were called the same name ..Kattara.. because, in fact, prior to being superceded there was only one sword.

Regards,
Ibrahiim al Balooshi.

A.alnakkas 27th June 2011 04:51 PM

Awesome Job Ibrahim Jazaak allah khair. I liked it alot that you demolished your own theory which shows alot of professionalism in your quest for knowledge. Now after you demystified the mystery, how about we move to the Badaawi saif and the syrian style? :P

Perhaps your expertise will be best put in a book or a site dedicated for swords but in arabic. I find information about swords circulating the internet in arabic to be very unprofessional.

I'll email you soon and cant wait to see your opinion about such a thing.

Ibrahiim al Balooshi 28th June 2011 08:47 AM

Quote:

Originally Posted by A.alnakkas
Awesome Job Ibrahim Jazaak allah khair. I liked it alot that you demolished your own theory which shows alot of professionalism in your quest for knowledge. Now after you demystified the mystery, how about we move to the Badaawi saif and the syrian style? :P

Perhaps your expertise will be best put in a book or a site dedicated for swords but in arabic. I find information about swords circulating the internet in arabic to be very unprofessional.

I'll email you soon and cant wait to see your opinion about such a thing.

Salaams,
Heres a brilliant book all done in Persian and Arabic apparently...Sazmandehi Nezami va Sazman Razm va Tahavolat an dar Tarikhe Islam: az Agaz ta payan Asr Abbasi [Military Organization and Deployment in the History of Islam: From the beginning until the End of the Abbasids] by Ga’edan, Asgar, published in 2003 (1382) in Tehran. :shrug:

A.alnakkas 28th June 2011 11:13 AM

Hmm, I have never heard of this book. Could be interesting to search for.

fernando 18th October 2011 09:35 PM

3 Attachment(s)
Quote:

Originally Posted by Ibrahiim al Balooshi
... The Portuguese were ejected in 1650 from Muscat and persued down the African coast as far as Mozambique and harrassed all over the Indian Ocean in Goa etc etc. Contrary to what people may think, they in fact, used Indian mercenaries as their soldiers on the ground and on their ships... Even a large Portuguese battleship had few Portuguese on board other than "the executives". Religiously they were somewhat biggotted and in no way shape or form would they have entertained an Islamic sword with an Islamic hilt in their arsenals... and in the same way the troopers were not muslims...but hindu. When the Portuguese sacked Sohar for example they slaughtered most of the inhabitants (including the Jewish community) They had a very huge bee in their bonnet about other religions in those days ! ...

Salaams Ibrahiim :)
I would be too lazy to revue to the chronicles of the period to erase my strongest doubts raised by your sources quotations that (all) Portuguese battleships sailing in those waters were in general massively handled by Indian mercenaries except for a few “executives” aboard.
I will therefore make a bypass and, concentrating on the weapons business, could you tell on what sources or evidence you stirrup, to conclude that Portuguese would not entertain Islamic (or Hindu) weapons based on religious prejudice.
Not being a scholar or close to it, i have come across through time with more than one written episode in that, being a determined weapon of special attributes or circumstantially convenient, in no way would the Portuguese reject it. I wouldn’t recall what would be the behavior of other cultures and their creeds in similar circumstances, but this however is not the issue here.
BTW, i find the “bigot” adjective a bit less diplomatic , but i don’t think the Portuguese of such period will read you.
Without going too deep into the chronicles, we know that:
… As early as the reconquest period (XII-XIII century), Portuguese (Christians) admired the crossbow used by the North African Moors, a light easy loading weapon, although with a lower penetration power, the “Kaous Alaarab”, and adopted it for their own use.
…The fact that one of the most used swords by their local adversaries in Asian lands, the talwar, was rejected, is written in the chronicles that, on one hand, the Portuguese had a greater confidence in their own weapons (pass the presumption) and, on the other, for the extensively discussed reason that Indian swords had handles/grips too small to be handled by Europeans.
… When it comes to artillery, we come to the same situation. I have the privilege to have appreciated in loco a magnificent cannon in the Lisbon Military Museum. Such fire mouth, re-baptized by the Portuguese “The Shot of Diu”, is a bronze basilisk from the XVI century, with a 23 cms caliber, a length of 6,11 mts and a 20 tons weight. It was made for the Sultan Bahâdur Xâh of Gujarat. It has such a rather fascinating inscription engraved on it that, once translated by a local erudite friar, has escaped to be molten for the forging of a monument to the King Dom José I (1750-77).
This cannon, built in 1533, was captured and brought to Portugal in 1538 and placed in the Lisbon Royal castle. Later in the kingdom of Dom João IV (1640-56) was transferred to the tower of São Julião da Barra, a strategic defense post of the Lisbon estuary. This to say that, for certain, such charismatic weapon would see immediate destruction instead of its persisting utility, if religious prejudice towards the use of other cultures was so overwhelming to Portuguese.
I hope you don't mind my coming in with an empirical approach to this little part of your comprehensive treatises.

.

Ibrahiim al Balooshi 19th October 2011 03:24 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by fernando
Salaams Ibrahiim :)
I would be too lazy to revue to the chronicles of the period to erase my strongest doubts raised by your sources quotations that (all) Portuguese battleships sailing in those waters were in general massively handled by Indian mercenaries except for a few “executives” aboard.
I will therefore make a bypass and, concentrating on the weapons business, could you tell on what sources or evidence you stirrup, to conclude that Portuguese would not entertain Islamic (or Hindu) weapons based on religious prejudice.
Not being a scholar or close to it, i have come across through time with more than one written episode in that, being a determined weapon of special attributes or circumstantially convenient, in no way would the Portuguese reject it. I wouldn’t recall what would be the behavior of other cultures and their creeds in similar circumstances, but this however is not the issue here.
BTW, i find the “bigot” adjective a bit less diplomatic , but i don’t think the Portuguese of such period will read you.
Without going too deep into the chronicles, we know that:
… As early as the reconquest period (XII-XIII century), Portuguese (Christians) admired the crossbow used by the North African Moors, a light easy loading weapon, although with a lower penetration power, the “Kaous Alaarab”, and adopted it for their own use.
…The fact that one of the most used swords by their local adversaries in Asian lands, the talwar, was rejected, is written in the chronicles that, on one hand, the Portuguese had a greater confidence in their own weapons (pass the presumption) and, on the other, for the extensively discussed reason that Indian swords had handles/grips too small to be handled by Europeans.
… When it comes to artillery, we come to the same situation. I have the privilege to have appreciated in loco a magnificent cannon in the Lisbon Military Museum. Such fire mouth, re-baptized by the Portuguese “The Shot of Diu”, is a bronze basilisk from the XVI century, with a 23 cms caliber, a length of 6,11 mts and a 20 tons weight. It was made for the Sultan Bahâdur Xâh of Gujarat. It has such a rather fascinating inscription engraved on it that, once translated by a local erudite friar, has escaped to be molten for the forging of a monument to the King Dom José I (1750-77).
This cannon, built in 1533, was captured and brought to Portugal in 1538 and placed in the Lisbon Royal castle. Later in the kingdom of Dom João IV (1640-56) was transferred to the tower of São Julião da Barra, a strategic defense post of the Lisbon estuary. This to say that, for certain, such charismatic weapon would see immediate destruction instead of its persisting utility, if religious prejudice towards the use of other cultures was so overwhelming to Portuguese.
I hope you don't mind my coming in with an empirical approach to this little part of your comprehensive treatises.

.


Salaams,
Thank you for adding to this thread...Nice pictures of the cannon. What a funny name for a crossbow! Ha! I thank you also for a very well composed and superbly set out letter.

When it comes to choice of weapons I believe there is a finite mindshift between personal sword style and 20 ton cannon. I think the cannon would be a prize to be fought for and utilized thereafter by the winner. I have to say that was also the normal case on the battle field regarding blades / weapons of all natures .. winner takes all ! My previous letter was I recall vaguely trying to introduce the Portuguese in the Indian Ocean and I was dismissing the idea of the Omani Kattara being linked to them which we know it was not. The question as to Portuguese carrying non Potuguese arms is interesting and from the religious standpoint I maintain they did not which means I have to show very strong reasons why not. In addressing this point I must show very biased perhaps bigotted mindset of the Portuguese hierarchy which I will do..however what weapons their mercenaries carried I believe was normal... Indian Mercenaries carried Indian weapons etc I also need to show how Portuguese ships were crewed and why?

I draw your attention to the 3 reasons for the Portuguese being in the Indian Ocean 1. Gold and Silver 2. Spices 3. Mercenaries and Slaves.

History shows how much they at that time in the early renaissance disliked Muslims and how they hated Jews.

There is a peculiar irony in that the known preventive cure for malaria was "Jews Harp" but that most Portuguese explorers would not take it (therefor died) because of the name.

They had hoped to find the fabled land of Presbeteri Iohanis or Prester John said to be a Christian Kingdom somewhere in the region of the horn of Africa where it was hoped substantial numbers of Mercenaries could be hired to fight the Muslims. Myth, fable and stories of strange hordes charging through north Russia inspired the Portugues to link Ghengis Khans marauding armies to this African powerbase..thinking they too were Christians.

Most of the search teams deployed by the Portuguese died of malaria etc in their futile attempts to find the mythical nation. In the end they were able to hire Indian Hindu mercenaries although I know there were others such as Malibaris..

As an example of their outright cruelty witness what they did in Sohar, Oman. Sohar being a huge trading port was filled with Jews at that time in the early 1500s. The Portuguese slaughtered every prisoner after intense torture. The favourite method being removal of nose, ears, hands then the corpse was nailed up. ( except one old chap who showed them the way to Hormuz)

The Portuguese had mastered the art of torture, star chamber, the Inquisition and all but it was a hatred driven by religious bigotry which fueled their fire. Basically they were Fanatical Christian Bigots.

Its amazing what 600 years can do, however, and now I have a lot of really good Portuguese mates !

Notwithstanding the odd "spoil of war" 20 ton bronze cannon the Portuguese tended to stick to Portuguese weapons and I have had a few rapiers from that period but I see no reason why they would not allow their Mercenaries to carry Hindu weapons. My previous work may have rushed over that point.

Aboard a Portuguese Battle Ship there would have been the usual Portuguese command; Captain, Second Officer and Navigator, Gun Captains and a skeleton crew but the fighting contingent was largely Hindu mainly because Portugal was such a small country but it underlines one of the 3 basic reasons for exploitation in the Indian Ocean i.e. Mercenaries. I believe they also carried a religious person to inspire their requirements, torture techniques, Wrath of God, Inquisition and that sort of thing etc.

If I may add just a few additional examples of what one author called "the uncompromising attitudes of the Christian reconquista"
(Please do not take this personally after all a lot of nations have done things in history which were pretty terrible; but you did ask...so I should prove it)

Almeida had fought at the siege of Granada that ended in 1492, and he brought with him to the Indian Ocean the uncompromising attitudes of the Christian reconquista. He sacked Kilwa, which had four stone-throwing catapults for its defense, and deposed the sultan in favor of another more amenable to the Portuguese. Further up the coast, Mombasa had some 3700 men of military age and cannon that fired on the Portuguese as they entered the port. The Portuguese, in return, bombarded the town. A Spanish convert to Islam came out and told the Portuguese to leave, that the people of Mombasa were braver than those of Kilwa. That night, Almeida put the town to the torch and in the morning sacked it, killing some 1500 people and taking great quantities of cotton cloth, silk and gold-embroidered textiles as well as valuable carpets. The king of Mombasa wrote to the king of Malindi to warn him of what might befall him: “This is to inform you that a great lord has passed through the town, burning it and laying it waste. He came to the town in such strength and was of such cruelty, that he spared neither man nor woman, old nor young—nay, not even the smallest child…. Nor can I ascertain nor estimate what wealth they have taken from the town. I give you this news for your own safety.”

Vasco de Gama’s first voyage was an intelligence gathering one. He returned in 1502 at the head of a flotilla of twenty-five ships armed with the most powerful cannons in the Portuguese inventory and bombarded the city states all along the east African coast. His first encounter with shipping in the Indian Ocean was a vessel carrying 700 returning hajjis from Mecca to India. An Indian Muslim from Malabar, Merim, owned the ship. Disregarding pleas for mercy, de Gama burned the ship with all of its occupants, women and children included.

When the Portuguese arrived off the coast of Calicut, the Raja of Calicut, Manna Vikrama, sent an emissary, a Brahmin of high repute, to negotiate peace. The ambassador arrived on board the Portuguese flagship with his two sons and a nephew. De Gama cut off the hands, nose and ears of the ambassador, and had the three young men nailed to crosses.

The bombardment of Calicut began in earnest, wreaking havoc on that ancient city. He then turned his attention to the ships in anchor. He treated the captured Hindus the same way he had treated the Brahmin ambassador of the Raja, cutting off their hands, noses and ears and piling them up in heaps on board his ships. But the most sadistic treatment was reserved for captured Muslims. One Khwaja Muhammed, a noted merchant from Egypt was captured, beaten, his mouth stuffed with pig refuse, and then set afire. Such atrocities were repeated wherever the Portuguese went on the Indian coast.


Within a span of fifteen years, the Portuguese had destroyed the thriving city-states of East Africa, captured strategic naval posts all along the Indian Ocean and the Arabian Sea, occupied the entrances to both the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf, and disrupted the trade that had flowed from India, Sumatra and China to West Asia and East Africa. Once thriving cities on the African seaboard became ghost towns. Violence, greed, enmity and ruthlessness took over trade and cooperation. Portuguese hatred of Muslims was unbounded. Wherever they landed, their first targets were the Muslims. The Inquisition was instituted in Goa against both Hindus and Muslims, and instructions were passed out by the Portuguese governor that no Muslim was to be hired, even though the territory of Goa had been a part of the Sultanate of Bijapur, and had a large number of Muslims in it.

Lastly an example of the crew make up on a Portuguese ship though I seem to remember somewhere reading about Battleship Crew Make up this example is trader ships but gives the idea ~

In all the ports controlled by the Portuguese, Albuquerque instituted the system of the cartaz, a trading licence authorizing a ship to carry cargo. Ships without a cartaz, which of course had to be purchased from the Portuguese port authorities, were fair game. This simple protection racket, plus customs duties and some outright piracy, raised the money to defray part of the cost of manning garrisons and maintaining the navy—as well as purchasing cotton textiles to trade for spices in the Moluccas and for gold and ivory in East Africa. The cartaz system enabled the Portuguese to exercise some control over trading networks that they could not dominate. In time, they raised further revenues by selling concessions for specific maritime trade routes to Asian shipowners. By the mid-16th century Asian merchants were shipping their goods on Portuguese ships and vice versa. And even the Portuguese ships were crewed by men from Arabia, Malabar, Gujarat, Malaysia and Indonesia, with perhaps one or two Portuguese officers. Pidgin Portuguese became the lingua franca of the Indian Ocean ports.

Regards Ibrahiim.

fernando 22nd October 2011 07:37 PM

Hi Ibrahiim
If I have read with full attention your post #13, i should have guessed that, your reply to my two innocuous questions (actually one doubt and one question), could result in a reply far beyond the technicalities of historic weaponry and their periphery.
So it happened that, specially after you edited your post, i am faced with an authentic catharsis over the Portuguese atrocities during the 16th century.
You tell me not to take it personally but, to my eyes, the energy you transmit to this issue is hardly unpersonal.
I fail to see where the largest part of your post contents is intrinsic to the questions i have posed, as also they appear to be far distant from the scope of this venue and too close from its restrictions, namely religion and politics.
Assuming i have opened the door to such situation and before this discussion derails into a (more) unpleasant path, i will punish myself and unwillingly refrain from further commenting on your vast exposition.
Therefore i will render the points and suggest we drop this conversation.
Kind regards

Jim McDougall 23rd October 2011 12:17 AM

I am inclined to agree that continuing this course with such obvious polarity in views concerning political issues in the history of these periods and regions would be counterproductive to the discussion of the kattara, the original topic of this thread. While I must admit the presentation of both sides here is most impressive and profound, it is in my opinion not particularly relevant to the study of the weapon itself. That too could of course be argued, but more well placed in debate venue.
Intriguing reading in any case gentlemen! Thank you.

Best,
Jim

Ibrahiim al Balooshi 24th October 2011 03:51 PM

Quote:

Originally Posted by Jim McDougall
I am inclined to agree that continuing this course with such obvious polarity in views concerning political issues in the history of these periods and regions would be counterproductive to the discussion of the kattara, the original topic of this thread. While I must admit the presentation of both sides here is most impressive and profound, it is in my opinion not particularly relevant to the study of the weapon itself. That too could of course be argued, but more well placed in debate venue.
Intriguing reading in any case gentlemen! Thank you.

Best,
Jim

Salaams Jim,
I would propose the following with which to bring this threads topic back on track: I wish to disprove a commonly held theory that Omani Kattara are European supposedly (though as far as I can deduce without proof) from the European Trade Blade concept. What is certain is that the Kattara appeared from somewhere and it is my suspicion they were developed closer to home.

My whole treatise on the Old Kattara forms a major part of this thread and a quick glance back through the details shows the conundrum ; The Old kattara (turned down quillons, Islamic Pommel, wing shaped blade) is from circa 8th C and appears at the start of Ibathi Islam as it is in the Funun; The accepted passage of tradition via music dance and mimicry. So why would Oman adopt a European blade in about the 17th / 18th C ? I find it hard to believe that a sword which was a virtual heraldic symbol, an icon of Ibathi Islam, ousted by a European Trade Blade. So my first doubt is a cultural one.

For Oman to take on a new system (and it can be seen that the new sword is quite different in many ways though similar in others) a whole mind shift would be needed in Nizwa as the governing body over the Ibathi structure. This weapon was to take the name Kattara and to absorb the Terrs buckler shield. It would need a completely fresh fighting approach as the long blade was spatula tipped and no good as a stabbing sword. It would change the Funun. My second doubt considers the religious and traditional mindset which a European trade blade contravenes.

It is difficult to see how a European sword could come into Oman via Muscat and then somehow be absorbed so that Nizwa then adopted it... The coast and the Interior were at constant running disagreement with each other. Whilst some trade may have taken place between the Interior and Coast the other routes by camel were to Mecca, Yemen, and the Gulf Coast via Buraimi Oasis and on up the line of mountains to Ras Al Khaimah etc etc. My third doubt is therefor socio-geographical.

I can find no swords with blades like the New Kattara outside of Oman...Yes there are blades which are similar in Ethiopia and Sudan but they are very different carrying distinct blade marks and without the same tang and pommel(blade tang and pommel made all as one) as the new Omani kattara.. If a new blade was sweeping through Africa would we not see evidence of it cropping up in Red Sea locations like Yemen, Saudia, Ethiopia and Sudan etc? Are we to believe that suddenly out of the blue a new kattara arrives; bang ! I do not buy that . We know that it appears in Zanzibar but that is likely to be because it was taken there by the Omanis who owned the territory. Doubt four is thus: No evidence of a transmission route overland via Africa or the Red Sea. No evidence of European swords being directly shipped to Oman.

I can find no proof that thousands of Kattara supposedly made in Europe were sent directly to Oman by ship. Some swords carry the running wolf stamp however these are fake stamps. Where were they stamped? Assuming that place of stamp = place of manufacture?

Not one Omani blade has a European sword factory stamp whereas masses of swords (Trade Blades) in Africa carry the correct German and European insignia and decorated blades. No Gurda. No European Factory Marks. What they do have marking the blades is the occasional "God Is Great" phrase or a Lion and/or crown mark ~ The Crown being generally attributed to what locals call Taj.. British India. So are these blades Indian or Sri Lankan? Therefor this doubt, number five, focusses on the absence of European factory marks but the inclusion of Islamic wording and some apparent British India Crowns and Lions.

Wootz blades would give clue to Indian blades. I have never seen a wootz blade in Oman though this forum has shown a couple which I believe are one-offs. Wootz is called Johar here and is not the style of blade in either dagger or sword. I therefor generally dont buy the India/Sri Lanka connection.

So we are looking for a sword maker closer to home who could produce perhaps a few hundred swords a year and who was on a camel trade route and who could knock out blades with suitable stamps (fake crowns, Lions, genuine religious chants) even as they do today.

My finger points to Ras Al Khaimah. :shrug:

Regards,

Ibrahiim al Balooshi.


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